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The midday meal scheme, introduced a century ago by the Madras Municipal Corporation in 1925, has evolved into a cornerstone of India’s social welfare and education policy. Now known as PM-POSHAN (Pradhan Mantri Poshan Shakti Nirman), the scheme provides cooked meals to students up to Class 8 in government and aided schools. However, despite its proven benefits in enhancing enrolment, retention, and learning outcomes, the scheme continues to face serious implementation challenges across Indian states.

Originally launched nationwide in 1995 as the National Programme of Nutritional Support to Primary Education, the scheme was rebranded as PM-POSHAN for 2021–2026, with shared funding between the Centre and States. Yet, funding shortfalls, delayed disbursements, and logistical bottlenecks have undermined its effectiveness. In states like Kerala and Uttar Pradesh, headteachers report borrowing funds and delaying salaries to cover rising food and fuel costs. Teachers are forced to juggle between administrative duties and managing meals, often without adequate staff or infrastructure.

Tamil Nadu has emerged as a success story with the Chief Minister’s Breakfast Scheme launched in 2022, now reaching over 17.5 lakh students. The state also assesses students’ Body Mass Index (BMI), integrates Anganwadis for early nutrition, and prioritizes public investment in health and education, reflecting the Dravidian model. This has led to a measurable decline in malnutrition and school dropout rates, especially among girls.

In contrast, states like Bihar lag behind, with widespread complaints of mismanagement and food safety lapses. Caste-based discrimination further mars the scheme’s inclusive vision, with reports from both north and south India highlighting segregated seating and removal of cooks from marginalized communities due to social prejudice.

Despite PM-POSHAN’s intended goals, its design often reflects a one-size-fits-all approach, neglecting state-specific challenges. For example, nutrition gardens or IT-based monitoring systems remain tokenistic in under-resourced regions. The uniform allocation norms do not account for price inflation, regional dietary needs, or additional requirements like eggs or milk, leading to nutritional gaps.

Experts argue for a context-sensitive redesign. Dipa Sinha, a development economist, emphasizes that centrally sponsored schemes must account for states’ limited fiscal capacity, especially as most taxes are collected by the Union government. There is a need for increased central assistance and flexibility in fund allocation to match ground realities.

Moving forward, replicating best practices from Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Odisha, promoting community-level engagement, and allowing NGOs to address psychosocial gaps can help strengthen the programme. Customizing menus based on local needs, ensuring timely fund flow, recruiting adequate staff, and addressing social discrimination are essential to achieve the dual goals of universal education and child nutrition.

Conclusion

PM-POSHAN, though visionary, struggles in its current form. To fulfill its true potential as a tool for social justice and inclusive development, it must shift from being a centrally driven subsidy programme to a locally empowered, child-centric nutrition model embedded within the education system.