In News:

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is the world’s largest public employment programme, aimed at ensuring livelihood security through guaranteed rural employment. However, a recent report by the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Rural Development and Panchayati Raj (April 2025) underscores a critical challenge: the wage rates under MGNREGA are increasingly inadequate, failing to provide even subsistence-level income.

With over 25 crore registered workers, the scheme is central to rural welfare. Yet, its effectiveness is diluted due to systemic underpayment. For FY 2025–26, MGNREGA wages vary from ?241 in Nagaland to ?400 in Haryana, averaging only ?294 nationally—a meagre 5% increase from the previous year. In many states, this rate is significantly lower than the prevailing minimum wage, in some cases by over ?200, raising serious questions about wage fairness and constitutional obligations.

Legal and Policy Background

Section 6 of the MGNREGA Act permits the Centre to fix wage rates independently of the Minimum Wages Act, 1948, though the wage cannot be below ?60. Historically, from 2005 to 2009, NREGA wages matched each state’s minimum agricultural wage. However, the Centre capped NREGA wages at ?100 in 2009 due to financial concerns, leading to payments falling below statutory minimum wages—a move that the Karnataka High Court (2011) and Supreme Court (2012) found violative of labour rights.

In response to mounting concerns, wage indexation to the Consumer Price Index for Agricultural Labourers (CPI-AL) began in FY 2011–12, with 2009 as the base year. Nevertheless, CPI-AL is narrow in scope compared to CPI-Rural (CPI-R), which better reflects the cost of living for rural workers across sectors.

Ignored Recommendations and Institutional Apathy

Several expert bodies have urged wage revisions. The Jean Dreze Committee (2010) advocated aligning NREGA wages with state minimum wages or, at the very least, indexing them effectively. The Mahendra Dev Committee (2014) recommended CPI-R-based indexing with an updated base year, while the Anoop Satpathy Committee (2019) proposed a national floor wage of ?375 (at July 2018 prices). However, the Centre has largely disregarded these suggestions, citing fiscal constraints.

Only a few states, including Odisha and Himachal Pradesh, have supplemented NREGA wages from their own budgets. Most continue with the Centre’s insufficient rates, causing regional disparities and undermining the constitutional promise of equal pay for equal work (Article 39).

Need for Course Correction

The current wage structure risks violating Article 23 of the Constitution, as flagged in the Supreme Court’s 1983 Sanjit Roy vs State of Rajasthan verdict, which held that paying less than the minimum wage constitutes “forced labour.”

Moreover, stagnant wages have contributed to declining worker participation. The Standing Committee rightly argues that current wages do not meet basic daily expenses and recommends a minimum daily wage of ?400. Without wage parity and realistic indexation, the scheme fails to uphold its foundational promise of dignified rural employment.

Conclusion

MGNREGA is more than a welfare scheme—it is a statutory right. To realize its full potential in promoting rural livelihoods and inclusive growth, wage reforms are imperative. Revising NREGA wages to reflect minimum wage laws, inflation trends, and regional parity is not just an economic necessity—it is a constitutional obligation.

In News:

The launch of the Vande Bharat Express between Katra and Srinagar by Prime Minister Narendra Modi marks a transformative chapter in Jammu and Kashmir’s infrastructural journey. The long-awaited completion of the Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla Rail Link (USBRL) is not merely a technological feat, but a symbol of national integration, economic upliftment, and inclusive development in the Kashmir Valley.

Historical Background

The evolution of rail connectivity in Jammu and Kashmir dates back to the colonial era when, in 1897, a 40–45 km rail line linked Jammu to Sialkot (now in Pakistan). Subsequent plans to extend railways to Srinagar in the early 20th century were shelved. After the 1947 Partition, Jammu was cut off from the rail grid as Sialkot became part of Pakistan. The region had to wait until 1975 for the inauguration of the Pathankot–Jammu line. The Jammu–Udhampur line, started in 1983, was completed only in 2004.

In 1994, the rail project was further extended to include Srinagar and Baramulla, and the USBRL was declared a national project in 2002, with the initial estimated cost of ?2,500 crore.

USBRL: Engineering Triumph

The fully operational 272 km USBRL has been completed at a revised cost of ?43,780 crore. It includes 36 tunnels, 943 bridges, and several record-setting engineering marvels in the seismically active, snow-covered terrain of the Shivalik and Pir Panjal ranges.

• Chenab Bridge: The world’s tallest railway arch bridge, 359 meters above the riverbed, surpassing even the Eiffel Tower. Designed to withstand wind speeds of 260 km/h and extreme temperatures, it spans 1,315 meters and has a life expectancy of 120 years.
• Anji Khad Bridge: India’s first cable-stayed rail bridge, located in Reasi, towers 331 meters above the river and stretches 725 meters. Its iconic inverted Y-shaped pylon is supported by 96 high-tensile cables.
• Tunnel T-49: At 12.77 km, it is India’s longest transport tunnel, located in Ramban district, designed to ensure seamless all-weather connectivity.

Strategic and Socio-Economic Significance

This rail link is a game-changer for the region. By reducing Katra–Srinagar travel time to just 3 hours, it ensures year-round, all-weather accessibility, even during harsh Himalayan winters. The connectivity is critical not only for civilians but also for the rapid movement of security personnel in this strategically sensitive region.

Economically, the rail link is poised to boost trade and tourism. It will facilitate the quicker and more cost-effective transport of local produce such as apples, walnuts, saffron, pashmina, and handicrafts, thereby integrating the Valley with national markets. Reduced logistics costs will also lower the prices of essential goods imported into Kashmir.

Way Forward

The upcoming extension to Jammu Tawi aims to further enhance nationwide connectivity to Srinagar. This project stands as a testament to India’s commitment to inclusive development, national unity, and strategic infrastructure in border regions. With its blend of engineering excellence and socio-political impact, the USBRL reinforces the vision of a Viksit Bharat that leaves no region behind.

In News:

India, which hosts over 70% of the world’s wild tiger population, holds a dual responsibility of pride and stewardship. The near-collapse of tiger numbers in 2006, with populations falling to around 1,400 and local extinctions in Sariska and Panna, prompted a national awakening. Strengthened interventions such as the formation of the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) and Project Tiger rejuvenation efforts helped India register over 3,600 tigers in the 2023 census, reflecting significant progress.

From Crisis to Recovery: Institutional Response

The disappearance of tigers due to poaching, habitat degradation, and poor monitoring led to structural reforms post-2006. The NTCA (established in 2005) ensured stricter protocols, better surveillance, and habitat restoration. India now boasts 53 Tiger Reserves, with central and southern states like Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, and Uttarakhand emerging as conservation success stories.

Emerging Challenge: Prey Base Decline

Despite rising tiger numbers nationally, several reserves in eastern and central India—such as Guru Ghasidas, Indravati, Udanti-Sitanadi (Chhattisgarh), Palamau (Jharkhand), and Simlipal and Satkosia (Odisha)—have shown worrying trends of tiger decline. The core issue is not direct poaching but the fall in prey density, especially species like chital, sambar, and gaur. Scientific evidence indicates that tiger viability is closely tied to prey abundance, with a threshold of at least 10–15 prey animals per sq km required for stable populations.

Socioeconomic Roots of Ecological Depletion

Many affected reserves lie in poverty-stricken tribal regions. In the absence of alternative protein sources and sustainable livelihoods, communities turn to bushmeat hunting using traditional snares and traps. This not only reduces herbivore populations but also threatens predator survival. Palamau Reserve is a stark example where both large herbivores and tigers have nearly vanished under such pressures.

Institutional Recommendations and Ecological Restoration

The NTCA-WII 2023 report recommends short-term herbivore breeding enclosures but recognizes their limitations in rewilding success. A sustainable solution lies in habitat quality enhancement and involving communities in conservation. Some reserves still retain dense forests, providing an ecological foundation for revival. The decline of left-wing extremism in many areas also opens avenues for focused conservation interventions.

Towards Inclusive Conservation: Eco-Tourism and Livelihoods

Prosperous reserves like Bandhavgarh and Ranthambore benefit from conservation-linked tourism and community participation. In contrast, remote and underdeveloped areas lack such economic linkages. Promoting inclusive eco-tourism, skill development, and income-generation activities—such as SHGs, poultry farming, and forest produce marketing—can transform local attitudes.

Way Forward: Integrated, People-Centric Approaches

India must adopt multidimensional strategies combining ecological, institutional, and social measures:

• Implement prey recovery plans in Tiger Conservation Plans (TCPs).
• Provide targeted funding and technical support to underperforming states.
• Restore grasslands, ensure wildlife corridors, and adopt technology (drones, AI) for monitoring.
• Recognize community forest rights, promote Gram Sabha governance, and expand MGNREGA to conservation-linked jobs.

Conclusion

India’s tiger conservation success is laudable but remains precarious if prey depletion continues unchecked. The path ahead demands a shift from protectionism to participatory conservation—rooted in equity, ecological integrity, and community empowerment. The survival of the tiger is not merely a wildlife concern, but a test of India’s commitment to sustainable development and inclusive environmental governance.

In News:

India’s transition to a green economy is not only central to achieving its environmental and climate goals but is also emerging as a powerful engine for economic growth and employment generation.

According to a recent report by NLB Services, India’s green sector is expected to generate approximately 7.29 million new jobs by FY2027–28, with the figure projected to rise to 35 million by 2047, aligning with India’s long-term net-zero commitments.

Understanding the Green Economy

A green economy encompasses sectors and activities that contribute to ecological sustainability, low-carbon development, and resource efficiency, while also promoting inclusive employment. It integrates environmental goals with economic planning, thus creating green jobs in areas such as renewable energy, electric mobility, sustainable construction, waste management, and green agriculture.

Sectoral and Regional Dynamics

The most significant employment potential lies in industries such as renewable energy, electric vehicles (EVs), green infrastructure, sustainable textiles, and waste-to-energy solutions. These sectors have witnessed rising investments and policy focus under national missions such as PM-KUSUM, Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Hybrid and Electric Vehicles (FAME), and the National Hydrogen Mission.

While metropolitan areas like Mumbai, Bengaluru, and Delhi remain hubs for green employment, tier II and III cities are poised to play a crucial role in the decentralisation of the green economy. Cities such as Jaipur, Coimbatore, Bhubaneswar, Visakhapatnam, and Indore are projected to account for 35–40% of the green job creation by FY28, primarily in logistics, warehousing, sustainable agriculture, and urban waste management.

Evolving Skill Demands

The transition towards green employment is redefining workforce skill requirements. Modern green jobs demand a blend of environmental sustainability expertise and technological proficiency, particularly in AI, IoT, GIS, blockchain, and data analytics. This digital integration is reshaping job profiles and creating pathways for future-ready employment.

In response, industries are shifting hiring strategies to focus more on skill-based recruitment rather than conventional degrees. There is also a growing emphasis on industry-academia collaborations to align curricula with the evolving demands of the green economy, thus fostering climate-literate and digitally equipped professionals.

Gender Inclusion and Equity Challenges

Despite the promising employment potential, women currently constitute only 11–12% of the green workforce in India. Barriers include limited access to STEM education, workplace safety concerns, and socio-cultural constraints. However, progressive employers are increasingly adopting inclusive hiring practices, promoting women-centric skill development programmes, and partnering with training agencies to build a more diverse and equitable green talent pipeline. These efforts are expected to improve female participation by 12–15% in the next 5–6 years.

Economic Significance

India’s green economy is expected to contribute significantly to national GDP. Its valuation is projected to reach $1 trillion by 2030, and expand to $15 trillion by 2070, supporting India’s target of achieving net-zero emissions by 2070. Thus, it offers a dual dividend—economic prosperity and environmental security.

Conclusion:
India’s green transition presents a transformative opportunity to simultaneously address climate change, unemployment, and regional disparities. With appropriate policy support, capacity building, and inclusivity, the green economy can become the bedrock of sustainable and equitable growth.

In News:

According to the RBI’s latest Remittances Survey (2023–24), there has been a significant structural transformation in India's inward remittance patterns. Advanced Economies (AEs) — led by the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Singapore, and Australia — have overtaken the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) nations as the primary sources of remittances. This shift holds major implications for India’s migration, financial inflows, and socio-economic planning.

Changing Source Geography of Remittances

India’s total remittance inflow touched USD 118.7 billion in 2023–24, doubling since 2011. The United States alone accounted for 27.7%, followed by the UAE (19.2%), the UK (10.8%), Saudi Arabia (6.7%), and Singapore (6.6%). This marks a departure from the earlier dominance of the Gulf region, whose collective share has dropped to 38%, while Advanced Economies now contribute over 50%.

The top recipient states of these remittances in India are Maharashtra (20.5%), Kerala, and Tamil Nadu.

Factors Behind the Shift

1. Evolving Migration Trends:There has been a surge in professional, high-skilled Indian migrants heading to AEs, particularly in sectors like STEM, finance, and healthcare. These migrants tend to earn higher wages, have stronger job security, and remit more per capita compared to their low-skilled counterparts in the Gulf.

2. Declining Opportunities in the GCC:Several Gulf countries have implemented nationalisation policies like Saudi Arabia’s “Nitaqat,” which prioritise local hiring. Moreover, automation and economic diversification have reduced demand for foreign low-skilled workers. This, combined with COVID-19-induced job losses and return migration, has contributed to the decline in remittances from the region.

3. Education-Driven Migration:Countries like the UK, Australia, and Canada have emerged as popular education destinations. For instance, Indian migration to the UK tripled from 76,000 in 2020 to 250,000 in 2023. Post-study work opportunities and migration partnerships like the India-UK “Migration and Mobility Partnership” (2021) have bolstered this trend.

4. Cost and Mode of Transfers:Digitalisation has reduced remittance costs to India below the global average, although it still exceeds the SDG target of 3% for a US$200 transfer. Nonetheless, cash-based transactions remain significant for smaller amounts.

Economic and Policy Implications

1. Macroeconomic Importance:Remittances contribute about 3–3.5% of India’s GDP, consistently surpassing FDI and Official Development Assistance (ODA). They help finance nearly half of the merchandise trade deficit and act as buffers against external economic shocks.

2. Household-Level Impact:Remittances are pivotal for improving living standards, enabling expenditure on food, healthcare, and education. In Kerala, for instance, remittances account for over 36% of the state's domestic product.

3. Policy Challenges and Recommendations:

• Skill Alignment: Training systems must align with global job markets to prevent ‘wilful deskilling’ — where highly educated migrants take up low-skilled jobs.
• Migration Diplomacy: India must proactively negotiate bilateral/multilateral mobility agreements to secure rights, fair wages, and career progression for migrants.
• Diaspora Engagement: Policies should encourage productive use of remittances (e.g., investments, health, education) and tap diaspora networks for technology and knowledge transfer.

Conclusion

India’s remittance ecosystem is transitioning from Gulf-led low-skilled flows to knowledge-intensive, high-value contributions from Advanced Economies. Sustaining this trend will require strategic migration governance, skill reforms, and deepened engagement with the global Indian diaspora.

Context:

India is experiencing a paradoxical trend — despite a rapidly expanding working-age population and rising production capacity, the generation of formal employment opportunities remains insufficient. Since 2017–18, while the working-age population has increased by approximately 9 crore, formal sector jobs have grown by only 6 crore, indicating an annual shortfall of around 50 lakh jobs. This mismatch is further compounded by the dominance of self-employment and informal sector jobs, especially in rural areas, raising concerns about both the quality and sustainability of employment.

Structural Shift Towards Capital-Intensive Growth

The country’s production systems are increasingly exhibiting capital-intensive tendencies — even in traditionally labour-intensive sectors such as textiles and food processing. This phenomenon, often referred to as "skill-biased technological change," is driven by two broad factors:

• Demand-Side Factors: The pressure to enhance productivity and reduce costs incentivises adoption of automated and capital-intensive technologies, especially in high-value manufacturing and services.
• Supply-Side Constraints: A shortage of skilled and technically trained labour impedes the effective utilisation of labour resources. Less than 10% of India’s workforce has received formal vocational or technical training, and most youth entering the labour market lack industry-relevant skills.

The declining cost of technology, coupled with stagnant real wages and rigid labour laws in some states, further tilts the balance in favour of machines over human labour.

Policy Interventions and Challenges

The Government of India has initiated schemes such as the Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) Scheme and the Employment Linked Incentive (ELI) Scheme to address the employment deficit.

• PLI Scheme: While it aims to boost manufacturing output, the scheme is heavily focused on high-tech sectors like electronics, drones, and IT hardware — which are capital- and skill-intensive. Despite this, the highest job creation under the PLI has been observed in food processing and pharmaceuticals, suggesting a disconnect between investment focus and employment potential.
• ELI Scheme: Designed to subsidise the cost of hiring untrained workers in labour-intensive sectors, the ELI provides short-term financial support via EPFO contributions. However, its long-term efficacy in ensuring sustainable skilling and employment remains uncertain due to lack of outcome data and short subsidy duration (2–3 years).

Need for a Cohesive Labour-Capital Policy Framework

India’s employment challenge cannot be addressed through fragmented policies. A cohesive framework is required that integrates:

• Industrial Policy with Skilling Policy: Ministries responsible for industrial production, labour, and skilling must work in tandem to ensure the availability of a workforce with skills that are aligned with the demands of emerging sectors.
• Incentive Structuring: The current flat subsidies under ELI could be modified into a graded structure, where higher transfers are provided for higher levels of certified skill acquisition, encouraging continuous skill upgrading.
• Skill Supply Chain Reform: Skill development institutions like ITIs and vocational centres should be incentivised based on placement rates and wage outcomes, not just enrolments or certifications.
• Labour Law Flexibility: State-level reforms in labour regulations are essential to reduce the cost of employing formal workers and to encourage job creation, especially in micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs).

Way Forward for a Viksit Bharat (Developed India)

As India transitions towards becoming a high-value production economy, it must simultaneously invest in its human capital. This requires:

• Dynamic Skill Development Programs: Adaptive skilling strategies must be designed to align with evolving technological trends such as Artificial Intelligence (AI), robotics, and green energy.
• Data-Driven Employment Policies: Regular labour market surveys and outcome tracking of employment schemes are critical for evidence-based policymaking.
• Support for Labour-Intensive Sectors: Focused support to industries with high employment elasticity, such as textiles, leather, food processing, tourism, and construction, can yield substantial job creation.

In conclusion, advancing the agenda of Viksit Bharat demands equal emphasis on capital and labour. Without a strong and skilled workforce, India's demographic dividend risks turning into a demographic burden. Therefore, employment generation must be at the core of India’s development policy, with a strategic vision that links skilling, production, and structural transformation.

Context:

Nearly two decades after the landmark India–US Civil Nuclear Agreement (123 Agreement) was signed in 2007, a major operational milestone has been achieved. In March 2025, the US Department of Energy (DoE) granted regulatory clearance under “10CFR810” of the US Atomic Energy Act (1954), allowing Holtec International, a US-based nuclear engineering firm, to transfer unclassified Small Modular Reactor (SMR) technology to three Indian private entities: Holtec Asia (its subsidiary), Tata Consulting Engineers (TCE), and Larsen & Toubro (L&T).

Key Regulatory and Safeguard Provisions

• Authorization Duration: 10 years, subject to a five-year review.
• Safeguards: Technology to be used only for peaceful nuclear activities under IAEA safeguards.
• Restrictions:
  • No retransfer to other Indian or foreign entities without US approval.
  • Prohibited for military/naval propulsion or enrichment purposes.
  • No access to Sensitive Nuclear Technology.
• Compliance: Holtec is required to file quarterly progress reports to the US DoE.

Strategic and Technological Significance for India

• Modernizing India's Nuclear Fleet: India's nuclear program has traditionally relied on Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs) using natural uranium. The transfer of SMR technology based on Pressurised Water Reactors (PWRs) represents a shift towards the global mainstream of nuclear reactor technology.
• Boost to Domestic Manufacturing: Collaboration with Indian firms like L&T and TCE can localize manufacturing and engineering, promoting Make in India and self-reliance in nuclear energy technology.
• Entry into Global SMR Supply Chain: This development aligns India with an emerging global trend, as SMRs (30–300 MWe) are increasingly viewed as crucial for decarbonization and energy security.
• Strategic Counterbalance to China: As China advances its SMR technology for energy diplomacy in the Global South, this India–US initiative presents a geopolitical counterweight, especially as both nations face challenges in independently competing with China’s scale and state-led investments.

Legal and Policy Bottlenecks

• Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Act, 2010: Cited by foreign companies as a barrier due to concerns about supplier liability in case of accidents.
• Atomic Energy Act, 1962: Needs amendments to permit private sector participation in nuclear generation, currently reserved for public sector undertakings like NPCIL and NTPC.
• Despite Holtec's request, these PSUs were not included in the initial authorization due to pending non-proliferation assurances from the Indian government. However, they may be added later, contingent on further diplomatic progress.

Way Forward and Future Prospects

• Holtec’s Expansion Plans: Its non-nuclear manufacturing unit in Dahej, Gujarat is poised for expansion, with a potential doubling of its workforce once SMR manufacturing begins.
• Partnership Pipeline:
  • TCE for engineering design.
  • L&T for high-precision nuclear component manufacturing.
  • Future engagement with NPCIL and NTPC as operators of Holtec’s SMR-300 reactors.
• Clean Energy Strategy: SMRs are positioned as a key component of India's low-carbon energy transition, addressing both rising power demands and global climate commitments.

Conclusion

The US’s clearance for technology transfer to Indian private firms marks a pivotal operational step in the long-stalled India–US civil nuclear partnership. It opens the door for India to enter the global SMR market, boosts its domestic nuclear industry, and strengthens strategic cooperation with the US. However, legal reforms and institutional readiness remain critical for realizing the full potential of this deal.

Context:

The recent controversy surrounding Justice Yashwant Varma and the subsequent remarks by Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar have reignited a crucial debate in Indian constitutional discourse: How can the judiciary remain independent while also being held accountable? At the heart of this debate lies the tension between institutional autonomy and the growing demand for transparency in judicial conduct.

The Varma Case: Catalyst for a Larger Debate

In March 2024, unaccounted cash was reportedly found at the residence of Justice Yashwant Varma, then serving on the Delhi High Court. Following the discovery, he was transferred to the Allahabad High Court. An in-house inquiry conducted by the Supreme Court found him culpable, yet it dismissed a petition seeking criminal investigation, forwarding the report instead to the President and Prime Minister.

Vice President Dhankhar questioned the constitutional basis of the in-house mechanism and called for a re-examination of the K Veeraswami judgment (1991), suggesting that the current legal framework grants excessive immunity to judges and hampers accountability.

Constitutional Safeguards and In-House Procedures

The Indian Constitution protects judicial independence through Article 124, which stipulates that judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts can only be removed through impeachment—a process that requires a special majority in Parliament. However, this safeguard has made judicial removal politically difficult. Despite several attempts, no judge has ever been successfully impeached since independence.

To address ethical complaints, the judiciary devised the in-house inquiry mechanism, wherein a panel headed by senior judges examines allegations against fellow judges. While this preserves the judiciary’s autonomy, the mechanism lacks statutory backing and has no power to impose penalties or recommend criminal prosecution.

The Veeraswami Judgment: Balancing Act or Bottleneck?

In the K Veeraswami case, the Supreme Court ruled that a judge could be treated as a public servant under the Prevention of Corruption Act. However, it mandated that any criminal case against a judge could proceed only with the approval of the Chief Justice of India (CJI), not the executive. This was intended to prevent misuse of prosecutorial powers and ensure judicial independence.

Critics argue that this judgment has created a judicial monopoly over sanctioning investigations, undermining public accountability. In practice, criminal prosecution against judges remains extremely rare. Notably, in 2019, then CJI Ranjan Gogoi sanctioned an FIR against Justice S.N. Shukla of the Allahabad High Court—one of the few instances of such approval.

Towards a Transparent and Accountable Judiciary

The current episode underscores a critical gap in India’s judicial accountability mechanisms. While independence is essential to prevent executive interference, absolute immunity risks eroding public confidence in the judiciary. The lack of transparency and enforceability in in-house inquiries has further exacerbated this perception.

There is a growing case for revisiting the Veeraswami judgment, possibly through constitutional or legislative reform, to allow limited and well-regulated avenues for criminal investigation into judicial misconduct—without compromising judicial independence.

Conclusion

A nuanced balance must be struck between judicial independence and accountability. India’s democracy cannot afford a judiciary that is either vulnerable to political manipulation or immune from public scrutiny. Strengthening internal accountability frameworks, reinforcing institutional checks, and ensuring transparency in disciplinary processes are essential to uphold both the dignity and integrity of the judiciary.

Context:

In recent years, India's tiger conservation practices have come under scrutiny due to the continued use of live baiting, particularly for feeding injured or aging tigers. While originally a hunting tactic used by British colonialists—placing prey like buffalo or goats to lure tigers for easy shooting—live baiting found new life in post-independence India as a tourism tool in reserves like Sariska. This practice was officially banned in 1982 by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, yet it persists in conflict scenarios and as a means of care for ailing tigers.

National Policy and Ecological Concerns

According to the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) of the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA), live baiting for tourism is prohibited, and its use for injured or old tigers is “not advisable.” The SOP emphasizes minimal human intervention, underscoring that wildlife conservation must adhere to the principle of survival of the fittest. Artificial feeding undermines this, fostering dependency, disrupting natural selection, and increasing the risk of human-wildlife conflict.

Despite these guidelines, many reserves continue the practice under humanitarian or public pressure. Feeding wild tigers, even as an emergency measure, is permitted only in exceptional cases—such as when an injured tigress with dependent cubs cannot hunt. Experts like Valmik Thapar recommend baiting no more than once every two weeks and only for a short duration of up to three months.

Case Studies Highlighting Consequences

The tragic case of Kankati, a 23-month-old tigress in Ranthambore, illustrates the dangers of early habituation. Raised on live bait after her mother, Arrowhead, fell ill, Kankati and her siblings lost their fear of humans. She has since killed two people, raising alarms about human safety in reserves.

Similar outcomes have been observed in the cases of T36, T37, and Simba—young tigers raised on bait following the deaths of their mothers. Without learning essential hunting skills, these tigers either perished prematurely or became threats to others. Even aging icons like Machhli and T2 were kept alive unnaturally with bait; while Machhli survived on human-provided food for seven years, T2 died too weak to kill.

The Cultural Shift Toward Over-Intervention

A growing culture of emotional overreach is increasingly shaping wildlife management. Tourists now demand treatment for limping or injured tigers, triggering unnecessary tranquilizations and medical interventions. From transporting prey animals to creating artificial water sources during dry spells, reserves like Corbett, Kanha, Bandipur, and Pench are altering ecosystems to sustain tigers artificially.

This overmanagement leads to unnatural survival of weaker individuals, overcrowding, and territorial conflicts—not just between tigers but also between tigers and humans. Experts caution that such interference only weakens the ecological integrity of tiger populations.

Conclusion: Let Nature Lead

Veteran conservationists argue that wild tigers do not require pet-like care. The most effective conservation strategy remains the preservation of natural habitats and prey bases, with minimal human interference. Misplaced kindness, though emotionally compelling, endangers both tiger and human populations by disrupting nature’s balance.

For India to achieve sustainable tiger conservation, it must resist populist interventions and re-anchor policies in ecological wisdom—protect, don’t pamper.

In News:

India’s northeast has long faced logistical isolation due to its geographical constraints and overdependence on the narrow Siliguri Corridor, also known as the Chicken’s Neck. A recent strategic initiative aims to transform this scenario through the creation of a multi-modal connectivity route that bypasses Bangladesh and directly links the Northeast to the sea via Myanmar and Kolkata. This development gains added relevance in light of recent remarks by Bangladesh’s interim leader Muhammad Yunus, who described Northeast India as “landlocked” and dependent solely on Dhaka for maritime access—a claim that India seeks to counter through tangible connectivity upgrades.

Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (KMTTP)

At the heart of this initiative lies the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project (KMTTP), a flagship project under India’s Act East Policy, designed to connect the eastern seaport of Kolkata to the landlocked Northeast through Myanmar. The project includes:

• Sea Leg: Kolkata Port to Sittwe Port in Myanmar (~539 km).
• Inland Waterway: From Sittwe to Paletwa via the Kaladan River (~158 km).
• Road Leg in Myanmar: Paletwa to Zorinpui on the India-Myanmar border (~110 km).
• Indian Extension: Zorinpui to Lawngtlai and Aizawl in Mizoram, connecting to the national highway network.

This corridor not only reduces reliance on routes through Bangladesh but also serves as a strategic counterbalance in India’s regional geopolitics, particularly in strengthening ties with Southeast Asia and enhancing its maritime influence in the Bay of Bengal.

Strategic Shillong-Silchar Highway

Complementing the KMTTP is the construction of a 166.8 km four-lane high-speed highway from Mawlyngkhung (near Shillong) to Panchgram (near Silchar) along NH-6. This is the first high-speed corridor in the North-East and the first in a hilly terrain, and is slated for completion by 2030. The project is being developed under the Hybrid Annuity Model (HAM) at a cost of ?22,864 crore, with implementation by NHIDCL for the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (MoRTH).

The highway will include:

• 19 major bridges, 153 minor bridges, 326 culverts
• 22 underpasses, 26 overpasses, 8 subways, and 34 viaducts

It will reduce travel time between Shillong and Silchar from 8.5 to 5 hours and act as a crucial link to states like Mizoram, Tripura, and Manipur. More significantly, it will integrate with the Kaladan route, offering a direct link to Kolkata via Myanmar and the Bay of Bengal.

Strategic and Economic Significance

This integrated connectivity initiative holds multi-dimensional importance:

• Reduces dependency on Bangladesh and the Siliguri Corridor
• Enhances trade and people-to-people ties with ASEAN nations
• Strengthens regional integration under the Act East Policy
• Boosts economic development in the North-East through improved logistics
• Improves India’s strategic posture in the Indo-Pacific and Bay of Bengal

In conclusion, the Kolkata-Northeast sea route and supporting infrastructure like the Shillong-Silchar highway represent a decisive step towards bridging geographical constraints, boosting regional development, and reinforcing India’s strategic autonomy in the eastern frontier.

In News:

Operation Sindoor marked a significant leap in India's military and technological prowess, not only achieving its strategic objectives but also demonstrating the operational maturity of Made-in-Indiadefence systems. The operation was characterised by a multi-layered approach involving precision strikes, air defence, unmanned systems, and advanced surveillance tools—most of which were indigenously developed.

Precision and Navigation Capabilities

One of the defining features of Operation Sindoor was the pinpoint accuracy of strikes deep inside Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Specific terrorist camps and infrastructure were destroyed with minimal collateral damage, underlining India’s commitment to responsible military engagement. This precision was enabled by a combination of advanced guidance systems and real-time data from space-based and ground-based assets.

India's indigenous Navigation with Indian Constellation (NavIC) system, offering positional accuracy of 10–20 cm, played a pivotal role. High-resolution satellites such as Cartosat, RISAT, and EOS provided real-time imagery, allowing sub-metre targeting. These capabilities are a result of sustained investments by DRDO and ISRO and reflect the prioritisation of guidance and navigation as a critical technology domain in DRDO’s 2023 R&D roadmap.

Lethality and Advanced Weapon Systems

The destruction caused during Operation Sindoor also demonstrated the high lethality of Indian weapon systems. Deep penetration warheads, advanced fusing mechanisms, and powerful propulsion systems—developed under the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme—were central to the operation’s success. The likely use of the BrahMos missile, equipped with state-of-the-art guidance and propulsion, underscores the maturity of indigenous missile technology.

Emerging technologies such as Directed Energy Weapons (DEWs), including laser-based systems, were reportedly deployed to neutralise incoming drones. DEWs have been a priority sector for the Defence Ministry since 2022, and DRDO showcased them during the 2025 Republic Day Parade.

Integrated Air Defence and Radar Systems

A critical success factor in Operation Sindoor was India’s ability to neutralise almost every aerial threat, including drones and missiles. This was achieved through a combination of imported and indigenous systems. The S-400 Triumph, along with DRDO-developed radars like Rajendra, Rohini, LLTR, and low-level 3D radars, formed a robust air defence network. These systems enabled accurate detection, tracking, and interception of aerial threats.

Cutting-edge R&D continues in radar technologies, including AI-powered signal processing, stealth detection, and foliage-penetrating radars, which will further enhance India’s battlefield awareness and response capability.

Role of Unmanned Systems

For the first time in an India-Pakistan conflict, drones played a decisive role. Indian UAVs executed deep strikes into Pakistani territory, while enemy drone swarms were largely neutralised. India also deployed upgraded Bofors guns and SAMAR systems to counter low-flying threats. The success of unmanned platforms indicates a paradigm shift towards hybrid warfare, with manned-unmanned teaming becoming a future norm.

However, to sustain this capability, India must strengthen its domestic manufacturing base, ensure secure raw material supply chains, and foster collaboration between industry, academia, and the armed forces.

Conclusion:
Operation Sindoor represents a watershed moment in India’s defence preparedness. It validated years of indigenous R&D and affirmed India’s self-reliant defence posture. As warfare evolves, India’s ability to synergise space, cyber, and kinetic capabilities with unmanned platforms will be critical in ensuring strategic deterrence and national security.

Context:

Recent developments surrounding the deportation of Pakistani nationals from India, many of whom reportedly held Indian identity documents such as Voter IDs, Aadhaar, and ration cards, have sparked concern over the integrity of the electoral rolls and the effectiveness of the voter verification process. This issue holds significant implications for the sanctity of India’s democratic system, particularly with regard to voter eligibility and the legal safeguards against electoral fraud.

Constitutional and Legal Provisions

Under Article 326 of the Indian Constitution, the right to vote is granted to every citizen of India aged 18 years and above, provided they are not disqualified under any law. The Representation of the People Act, 1950, particularly Section 16, lays down conditions for disqualification from voter registration, including non-citizenship, unsound mind (as declared by a competent court), and legal disqualification due to corrupt practices.

To register as a new elector, applicants must fill out Form 6 of the Election Commission of India (ECI). While proof of age and address are mandatory, no separate citizenship document is required. Instead, a self-declared statement affirming Indian citizenship is submitted. However, under Section 31 of the RP Act, submitting false information, particularly with respect to citizenship, can attract legal penalties including imprisonment of up to one year, a fine, or both.

Verification and Role of Electoral Authorities

The onus of verifying the eligibility of voters lies primarily with the Electoral Registration Officer (ERO), assisted by Booth Level Officers (BLOs). These authorities are empowered to conduct investigations, hold hearings, and scrutinize documents before accepting applications. In cases of doubt or objections, the ERO must assess all evidence independently and ensure that non-citizens are not included in the electoral roll.

Citizenship is typically assumed unless there is a reason to believe otherwise. However, in instances of objection, the applicant bears the initial burden of proof to establish citizenship. For internal migrants or married women lacking documentation, alternative proofs such as prior voter registration or certificates from local authorities may be accepted.

Issues of Non-Citizens Holding Voter IDs

Instances of non-citizens obtaining Indian voter IDs have occurred in the past and are not isolated. The ECI has previously identified and removed such names from the electoral roll following investigations. In such cases, legal proceedings are initiated against individuals who fraudulently secured voter registration.

The current incident involving deported Pakistani nationals allegedly holding Indian Voter IDs brings this issue back into focus. It highlights systemic lapses in identity verification and raises concerns over the use of forged or easily obtainable documents to exploit electoral loopholes.

Current Measures and Challenges

To curb such malpractices, the ECI has initiated a linkage between Aadhaar and Voter ID cards to detect and eliminate duplicates and ineligible entries. However, this initiative has limitations, as Aadhaar is not proof of citizenship. Non-citizens can still possess Aadhaar cards, making this linkage an insufficient standalone measure for verifying voter eligibility.

Conclusion

The integrity of India’s electoral system is foundational to its democracy. While the legal framework governing voter registration is robust, implementation gaps, documentation loopholes, and lax verification processes expose vulnerabilities. Strengthening the verification mechanisms, enhancing accountability of electoral officers, and exploring alternative digital authentication methods are imperative to safeguard the electoral roll from misuse and to uphold the principle of “one citizen, one vote.”

In News:

On May 2, 2024, Delhi witnessed one of its most intense pre-monsoon weather events in over a century, recording the second-highest single-day rainfall for May since 1901, surpassed only by 119.3 mm in 2021. This extreme event, though meteorologically significant, also underscores critical vulnerabilities in urban disaster preparedness and climate resilience.

Meteorological Dynamics behind the event

This rare weather event was driven by a complex interplay of meteorological phenomena. Delhi became the focal point for two moisture-laden wind systems: easterlies from the Bay of Bengal and southerlies from the Arabian Sea. Their collision over the National Capital Region created a low-level convergence zone, which forced moisture-rich air upward, initiating intense convective activity.

Compounding this situation was the presence of troughs—elongated low-pressure systems—that enhanced instability and facilitated vertical atmospheric lifting. As the moist air ascended, it cooled rapidly, forming towering cumulonimbus clouds reaching altitudes of over 13 km. These clouds, commonly associated with thunderstorms and intense rainfall, released torrential downpours over the city.

Additionally, the region was under the influence of a Western Disturbance, coupled with upper-air cyclonic circulations over Rajasthan and Punjab. These systems altered wind patterns, induced powerful vertical lifts, and further fed moisture into the storm system through an active monsoon trough extending from Madhya Pradesh to Kerala.

Timing and Transitional Weather

The event occurred during May, a transitional month for northern India as it shifts from spring to the monsoon phase. This seasonal flux often leads to volatile weather, but the scale and intensity observed this year were unusual and alarming. Factors such as strong westerly surface winds (up to 54 kmph) and cool descending winds from the Himalayas further enhanced convection, creating a perfect storm scenario.

Impacts on Urban Infrastructure

The heavy rainfall overwhelmed Delhi’s urban infrastructure. Several parts of the city faced severe waterlogging, power outages, flight disruptions, and, tragically, five deaths due to weather-related accidents. The lack of adequate stormwater drainage systems, combined with high urban density and poor land-use planning, exacerbated the crisis.

Broader Implications for Policy and Planning

This event serves as a wake-up call for urban disaster management and climate adaptation. With climate variability increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events, Indian cities—especially megacities like Delhi—must invest in climate-resilient infrastructure.

Policymakers must:

• Strengthen early warning systems and inter-agency coordination.
• Enhance urban planning with a focus on green infrastructure and permeable surfaces.
• Improve data integration across meteorological and civic bodies for real-time response.
• Mainstream climate risk assessments in city development plans.

Conclusion

Delhi’s record-breaking rainfall is not just a weather anomaly but a symptom of deeper systemic vulnerabilities. It emphasizes the urgent need for holistic, science-backed urban resilience strategies to safeguard lives, infrastructure, and ecological balance in a rapidly urbanizing and warming world.

In News:

On May 7, India launched Operation Sindoor, targeting terrorist bases in Pakistan in response to the Pahalgam terrorist attack on April 22. This military action quickly became a case study in how modern warfare extends beyond physical battlegrounds to include digital and information domains.

Managing Information During Conflict

Following the operation, India’s Ministry of Defence issued an advisory on May 9 urging media, digital platforms, and individuals to avoid live or real-time reporting of military movements. The Press Information Bureau (PIB) also stressed sharing only official updates to counter the spread of misinformation. This advisory was crucial after fake news, including false claims that the INS Vikrant aircraft carrier attacked Pakistani ports, spread rapidly on social media and TV channels. The misinformation originated from a fraudulent social media account pretending to be the INS Vikrant, causing panic and confusion, which was then amplified by Pakistani sources.

Hybrid Nature of Modern Conflicts

Modern conflicts have evolved into “hybrid wars” that combine traditional military operations with sophisticated information warfare. Research from King’s College London highlights how states use both traditional and social media platforms for “perception management”—influencing public opinion to strengthen domestic support or destabilise opponents. In such environments, misinformation spreads rapidly due to media pressure to break news first, public anxiety seeking instant updates, and social media algorithms that prioritise sensational content regardless of accuracy.

Cyber Warfare: The Invisible Battlefield

Digital warfare also includes cyberattacks on critical infrastructure and military networks. Since the Pahalgam attack, India has faced several cyber intrusions originating from Pakistani and spoofed networks. Cyber operations now run parallel to physical conflicts, forming a multi-domain battlespace where controlling information flow and disrupting enemy networks are as vital as territorial gains.

Recent global examples include Russia’s cyberattacks on Ukraine during the 2022 invasion and retaliatory cyber operations by Ukrainian hackers. Similarly, after Hamas’s October 2023 attack, Israel faced massive cyber assaults and widespread disinformation campaigns on social media using AI-generated content.

Challenges in Cyber Conflict

Cyber warfare is especially challenging because attacks are remote, anonymous, and difficult to attribute. Attackers hide behind proxies and compromised systems, complicating diplomatic responses and exposing gaps in international laws governing cyber conflicts. As tensions rise, India may encounter more frequent and sophisticated cyberattacks targeting its infrastructure, military communications, and financial systems, alongside conventional military threats.

India’s Preparedness Strategy

To tackle these challenges, India must adopt a comprehensive strategy combining legal, diplomatic, and technological measures:

• Legal: Strengthen cybersecurity laws under the Information Technology Act and push for international agreements to regulate state-sponsored cyberattacks.
• Diplomatic: Enhance cooperation in global forums like the UN Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) and partner with technologically advanced nations to identify and counter hostile cyber activities.
• Technological: Invest heavily in cyber defence and offence capabilities. Critical infrastructure must be fortified through security audits, network segmentation, and resilient backups. Agencies such as the National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) and CERT-In need enhanced capacities to detect and respond to threats. Regulators should promote continuous network monitoring and public awareness on cybersecurity, exemplified by the Reserve Bank of India’s directives to banks.

Conclusion

The digital battlefield—comprising misinformation and cyberattacks—demands a coordinated government response and active citizen engagement. As conventional and digital warfare increasingly overlap, India’s national security depends on not only military preparedness but also information resilience and cybersecurity. With well-planned, multi-dimensional strategies, India can effectively confront emerging digital threats and secure its sovereignty in an increasingly complex geopolitical environment.

In News:

Despite a comprehensive constitutional and legal framework designed to prohibit child labour, India continues to face the persistent challenge of millions of children engaged in hazardous and exploitative work. The prevalence of child labour in sectors such as matchstick factories, brick kilns, leather processing units, and construction sites highlights the gap between legal intent and ground realities.

Defining Child Labour

Child labour involves employing children in work that deprives them of their childhood, interferes with education, and is harmful mentally, physically, socially, or morally. It constitutes a violation of basic child rights and hampers the child’s overall development.

Legal and Constitutional Framework

India’s fight against child labour is backed by strong constitutional provisions and statutes:

• Constitutional Safeguards:
  • Article 24 prohibits the employment of children below 14 years in factories, mines, and hazardous occupations.
  • Directive Principles (Articles 39(e) and 39(f)) direct the State to protect children from exploitation and ensure their development.
• Statutory Measures:
  • The Child and Adolescent Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, 1986 (amended in 2016) prohibits employment of children under 14 and restricts adolescents (14–18 years) from hazardous work. However, it permits work in family enterprises after school hours, a provision often misused.
  • The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection) Act, 2015 treats child labour victims as children in need of care and protection.
  • The Right to Education Act, 2009 mandates free and compulsory education for children aged 6–14, indirectly aiming to reduce child labour by keeping children in schools.
• Judicial Interventions:
  • The Supreme Court has reinforced child rights under Article 21 (Right to Life with dignity), with landmark rulings emphasizing the state’s duty to eradicate child labour(e.g., M.C. Mehta v. State of Tamil Nadu, 1996).

Magnitude and Ground Realities

According to UNICEF’s analysis of the Periodic Labour Force Survey (2018-19), approximately 18 to 33 lakh children are engaged in labour in India. Nearly half of these children work within their families, making detection and intervention difficult. The worst-affected sectors include agriculture, fireworks, glass-making, leather tanning, mining, and construction.

Children working in these sectors face hazardous conditions involving exposure to toxic substances, long working hours, and physical and verbal abuse. This leads to long-term damage to their physical health, mental well-being, and education prospects. The lack of access to sanitation and healthcare further exacerbates their vulnerability.

Enforcement Challenges

Despite the severity of the problem, enforcement remains weak. In 2021, only 613 cases under the Child Labour Act were registered, indicating a large enforcement gap. Additionally, data on child labour is outdated and fragmented, with the last Census conducted in 2011 and poor disaggregation of data by gender and rural-urban divide. Coordination between labour departments, police, and child welfare agencies is inadequate.

Instances like the 2024 Madhya Pradesh distillery case, where 58 children were rescued after working long hours in hazardous conditions, expose the failures in inspection and enforcement at the state level.

Root Causes

Poverty remains the primary driver of child labour. The International Labour Organization highlights that child labour is both a cause and consequence of poverty. Families often push children into work due to economic necessity, especially when adult unemployment is high (estimated 6 million unemployed adults). Malnutrition and deprivation perpetuate this cycle, with India accounting for half of the world's wasted children.

Way Forward

To effectively combat child labour, India must focus on:

• Strengthening Enforcement:Establishing a National Child Labour Enforcement Grid integrating labour inspectors, district magistrates, Juvenile Justice Boards, NGOs, and Child Welfare Committees to ensure coordinated action.
• Closing Legal Gaps:Revisiting the “family enterprise” exemption and mandating compulsory reporting and rehabilitation of child labourers under the Juvenile Justice Act.
• Improving Data Systems:Fast-tracking the 2021 Census and including child labour modules in PLFS and NFHS, leveraging technology like geo-tagging and mobile apps for real-time monitoring.
• Linking Education and Welfare:Strengthening schemes like Samagra Shiksha, PM POSHAN, and Anganwadi services, alongside conditional cash transfers to incentivize withdrawal of children from labour.
• Raising Awareness:Scaling up mass communication campaigns to change societal attitudes toward child labour.

Conclusion

While India’s legal framework against child labour is among the strongest globally, enforcement weaknesses and socio-economic realities hinder progress. Addressing poverty, improving governance, and ensuring children’s right to education and protection are imperative to break the cycle of child labour and promote a just and equitable society.

In News:

The 16th Finance Commission (FC), constituted under Article 280 of the Constitution in December 2023, and chaired by Arvind Panagariya, faces a formidable task: redefining the contours of fiscal federalism for the period 2026–2031 amidst growing demands for fiscal autonomy by states and mounting fiscal pressures on the Union government.

The central concern is the shrinking divisible tax pool. Though the 15th Finance Commission recommended a 41% share of the divisible pool for states (reduced from 42% due to the reorganization of Jammu & Kashmir), the effective share received by states has hovered around 32%, owing to the increasing use of cesses and surcharges, which are not shared. According to RBI data, the divisible pool has shrunk from 88.6% in 2011–12 to 78.9% in 2021–22 of the Centre’s gross tax revenue. Consequently, many states are demanding that their share be increased to 50%, and a cap be placed on cesses and surcharges.

However, expanding transfers is fiscally challenging. The Union government is already borrowing to fund grants to states, raising concerns over sustainability and fiscal priorities. States account for nearly 60% of general government expenditure, and their argument for greater fiscal autonomy is not unfounded. A possible resolution lies not in increasing total transfers, but in restructuring the composition—shifting from tied to untied transfers.

The overreliance on Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS), which dictate how funds must be spent, has constrained state-level innovation and discretion. Rationalizing CSS and expanding untied transfers would empower states to prioritize their unique developmental needs. However, this is politically sensitive, as CSS often serve national priorities and electoral interests.

Yet, more untied funds come with trade-offs. Several states, including Karnataka and Punjab, are grappling with rising revenue deficits, indicating growing expenditure on salaries, interest payments, and subsidies rather than capital investment. This raises the risk that untied funds may be diverted to populist schemes, such as non-merit subsidies or quasi-universal cash transfers. A report by Axis Bank notes that 14 states have launched income transfer schemes, amounting to 0.6% of GDP, raising concerns about the long-term fiscal discipline.

A key question is whether increased untied transfers will improve inter-state equity in public service delivery. Low-income states like Bihar have far lower per capita spending on health, education, and infrastructure. Without accountability frameworks, there is a risk that increased autonomy may not translate into equitable development outcomes.

Moreover, the third tier of governance—local bodies—remains underfunded. Greater untied transfers could incentivize states to empower panchayats and municipalities, aligning with the principle of subsidiarity and deepening democratic decentralization.

Conclusion

The 16th Finance Commission must strike a delicate balance—ensuring fiscal autonomy for states without jeopardizing national fiscal stability. It must consider capping non-divisible levies, reforming transfer mechanisms, and introducing performance-linked incentives to strengthen accountability. Only a recalibrated, transparent, and equitable devolution framework can advance India’s cooperative federalism in both spirit and practice.

Context:

India has not released detailed caste-based population data since the 1931 Census, leaving a significant void in understanding the country’s socio-economic and caste demographics. The Socio Economic and Caste Census (SECC) 2011 attempted to fill this gap, but while socio-economic data was released in 2016, caste-wise data—except for total Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs)—was withheld.

Historically, the 1941 Census did collect caste data, but findings were not released due to World War II. Post-independence, Indian Censuses have only collected data on SCs and STs, without disaggregating by specific caste or including Other Backward Classes (OBCs). As a result, the 1931 Census remains the last comprehensive source of caste-wise demographic data, and now serves as the baseline for any future caste enumeration, including the pandemic-delayed Census 2021.

SECC 2011: Objectives and Scope

Launched by the Ministry of Rural Development on June 29, 2011, SECC was a comprehensive door-to-door survey aimed at assessing the socio-economic status of rural and urban households across the country. Conducted in approximately 24 lakh enumeration blocks, each covering about 125 households, the SECC aimed to support evidence-based policy formulation and targeted implementation of welfare schemes. While the socio-economic part of the SECC was managed by the Rural Development Ministry, the caste data was overseen by the Ministry of Home Affairs under the Registrar General of India (RGI).

Unlike Census 2011, which is legally bound to maintain confidentiality under the Census Act, SECC data is accessible to government departments for the identification of scheme beneficiaries.

SECC vs Census 2011: Key Differences

While both exercises shared some common demographic questions—such as age, gender, literacy, and marital status—the SECC collected more granular data. For example:

• Caste and Tribe Details: Census 2011 asked only whether a respondent belonged to SC or ST. SECC 2011 went further, asking for the exact name of the caste/tribe under categories like SC (Code 1), ST (Code 2), Other (Code 3), or No Caste/Tribe (Code 4).
• Religion-based Caste Restrictions: In line with a 1990 government order, SECC noted that only Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists can be listed as SCs, while STs can belong to any religion.
• Economic and Health Indicators: SECC asked about household assets (mobile phones, refrigerators, vehicles), housing conditions, source of lighting, water access, latrine availability, and kitchen facilities. It also collected details on disabilities (mental and physical) and chronic illnesses like TB and leprosy.
• Employment Data: SECC captured diverse income sources in both urban (e.g., rag-picking, street vending) and rural areas (e.g., cultivation, casual labour, manual scavenging). It also recorded landholding patterns and mechanisation levels in agriculture.

Conclusion

The absence of updated, disaggregated caste data has hindered the effective formulation of policies aimed at social justice and economic equity. The SECC 2011 highlighted the possibilities of comprehensive caste enumeration but fell short in data disclosure. The upcoming Census 2021, if it includes detailed caste data, could significantly reshape India’s welfare landscape by ensuring more targeted and inclusive governance through data-driven policymaking.

In News:

Recently, a devastating 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck central Myanmar near Mandalay, resulting in catastrophic destruction across Myanmar and Thailand. The tremor, the strongest in the region in 75 years and globally the most powerful in two years, occurred at a shallow depth of 10 km, amplifying its destructive impact.

Human and Structural Impact

In Myanmar, at least 144 people were killed and 730 injured, while in Thailand, particularly Bangkok, eight deaths were confirmed, including three from a 33-storey building collapse. The death toll is expected to rise as search and rescue operations continue. Infrastructure damage was widespread—residential buildings, pagodas, a dam, and a 90-year-old bridge in Myanmar collapsed. In Bangkok, high-rises swayed dangerously, rapid transit systems shut down, and panic gripped the city. Over 90 people were reported missing in Bangkok’s construction site collapse.

The quake severely impacted regions already suffering from ongoing humanitarian crises, particularly Myanmar, where a civil war has displaced over 3 million people, and 20 million are in need of assistance, according to the UN. Emergency services were hindered by damaged roads and downed power lines.

Geological Context and Causes

The earthquake was caused by strike-slip faulting along the Sagaing Fault, a major tectonic boundary between the Indian and Eurasian plates. This north-south fault is highly seismically active and has been responsible for several past quakes, including those in 1839 (M 8.3), 1912 (M 7.9), and 2016 (M 6.9).

Shallow-focus earthquakes like this one, occurring at just 10 km depth, tend to cause significant surface damage due to minimal energy dissipation before the seismic waves reach the surface. Additionally, seismic waves radiate along the entire fault line, affecting regions far beyond the epicenter, including China’s Yunnan and Sichuan provinces, where structural damage and injuries were also reported.

Preparedness and Vulnerabilities

Myanmar's infrastructure is ill-prepared for high-magnitude earthquakes, especially in the Mandalay region where modern seismic-resistant construction is limited. The USGS estimated potential fatalities between 10,000 and 100,000, and economic losses up to 70% of Myanmar’s GDP, underscoring the country’s vulnerability. The affected area lies in the central region of the country, less accustomed to high-magnitude tremors than the traditionally more seismically active western regions.

International and Regional Response

Myanmar declared a state of emergency in six regions, including Naypyidaw and Mandalay. Thailand’s city hall declared Bangkok a disaster zone to mobilize emergency responses. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi offered immediate support, stating that Indian authorities and the Ministry of External Affairs are in touch with both governments. The disaster also holds diplomatic relevance, with Bangkok set to host the BIMSTEC Summit, highlighting the importance of regional disaster cooperation.

Conclusion

The 2025 Myanmar-Thailand earthquake exposes the urgent need for seismic resilience, urban preparedness, and regional disaster response cooperation in South and Southeast Asia. With climate change and tectonic vulnerabilities intersecting, India and neighboring nations must integrate robust disaster management frameworks into developmental planning and regional diplomacy.

In News:

The recent recovery of large sums of cash from the residence of Delhi High Court judge Justice Yashwant Varma has reignited the debate over transparency and accountability in India’s higher judiciary. This incident underscores the pressing need for a legal framework mandating the public disclosure of assets by judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts—currently one of the few segments of public office bearers exempt from such transparency norms.

Current Norms and Judicial Practice

In 1997, the Supreme Court under then Chief Justice J.S. Verma adopted a resolution requiring judges to declare their assets (including those of spouses and dependents) to the Chief Justice. However, this was an internal exercise, with no provision for public disclosure.

In 2009, responding to public pressure and a Right to Information (RTI) application, the Supreme Court resolved to allow voluntary disclosures on its website. While asset declarations were briefly published starting November 2009, the practice faded. Since 2018, the SC website has not been updated, and declarations by current or former judges are no longer publicly available.

In a landmark judgment in 2019, the Supreme Court ruled that judges' assets and liabilities are not “personal information” and hence fall within the scope of RTI. Despite this, judicial compliance with voluntary disclosures remains minimal.

High Court Practices and Resistance

As of March 1, 2024, only 97 of the 770 sitting High Court judges (less than 13%) across seven High Courts (Delhi, Punjab & Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Madras, Chhattisgarh, Kerala, and Karnataka) have publicly declared their assets. Many High Courts have outright rejected RTI applications or passed resolutions opposing the idea of asset disclosure. For example, in 2012, the Uttarakhand High Court strongly objected to bringing judges’ assets under RTI. The Allahabad High Court, and several others including Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Bombay, have also denied such information under RTI citing exemptions.

Comparison with Other Public Servants

In stark contrast, civil servants, ministers, and elected representatives in India are bound by law or convention to publicly disclose their assets:

• Civil Servants: Must annually declare assets to their cadre-controlling authority; many states such as Gujarat and Kerala make this information accessible via RTI.
• Union Ministers and MPs: Since 2009, ministers submit asset declarations to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), which are available on its website. MPs submit declarations to the Speaker or Chairperson, which can be accessed through RTI.
• Election Candidates: A 2002 Supreme Court judgment mandates detailed public asset disclosure as part of the nomination process. Even minor errors can disqualify a candidate.

Legislative Recommendations and the Way Forward

Recognizing the gap, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice recommended in 2023 that legislation be introduced to mandate asset disclosures by judges. However, no progress has been made on this front.

In a democratic setup, the judiciary must not only be impartial but also seen as such. Mandatory public asset disclosure is a vital step toward strengthening judicial accountability and restoring public trust in the institution. Balancing judicial independence with transparency is essential for good governance and ethical public administration.

Context:

India’s e-retail sector has emerged as a global frontrunner, surpassing the United States in terms of online shopper base and attaining a Gross Merchandise Value (GMV) of $60 billion in 2024. Despite this milestone, the sector’s growth rate halved from historical averages of 20% to 10–12% in 2024. This deceleration is attributed primarily to macroeconomic headwinds—particularly high inflation and stagnation in real wages, which have also slowed private consumption growth from 11% (2017–19) to 8% (2022–24).

Structural Drivers and Government Support

Notwithstanding short-term sluggishness, India’s long-term e-retail outlook remains promising. Key government initiatives—such as Digital India, Make in India, Startup India, and Skill India—have laid a strong digital foundation. The Government e-Marketplace (GeM) crossed ?4 lakh crore GMV in FY24, reflecting growing public sector adoption of digital commerce.

Policy reforms have facilitated e-commerce expansion:

• 100% FDI in B2B e-commerce
• Implementation of Consumer Protection (E-commerce) Rules, 2020
• Strengthening digital infrastructure through 5G rollout
• The CSC-ONDC partnership aims to democratize access to digital markets in rural areas.

Key Growth Trends Shaping the Sector

The Flipkart–Bain & Company report identifies three transformative trends:

1. Quick Commerce:Quick commerce now commands over two-thirds of e-grocery orders and constitutes 10% of total e-retail spending. It is projected to grow at over 40% CAGR until 2030, driven by faster deliveries, increasing product categories, and geographic expansion into Tier-2 and Tier-3 cities.
2. Trend-First Commerce:Particularly dominant in fashion, this segment caters to consumers who prioritize latest trends and styles. Trend-first fashion alone is forecasted to grow fourfold to $8–10 billion by 2028, with more than half of the sales occurring online.
3. Hyper-Value Commerce:This model emphasizes ultra-low-priced assortments aimed at lower-middle-income consumers. Its share of e-retail GMV has increased from 5% in 2021 to over 12% in 2024, gaining momentum in smaller towns and cities.

Demographic and Regional Shifts

The e-retail customer and seller base is witnessing increasing diversification:

• Since 2020, 60% of new shoppers have emerged from Tier-3 or smaller cities.
• The Northeastern states show 1.2 times higher e-retail penetration compared to the national average.
• Similarly, 60% of new sellers since 2021 are from Tier-2 or smaller towns, indicating broad-based entrepreneurial participation.

Future Outlook

E-retail is expected to reach a GMV of $170–190 billion by 2030, growing at over 18% annually. A key inflection point will be when India’s GDP per capita crosses the $3,500–4,000 threshold, historically associated with significant upticks in discretionary digital spending. By 2030, one in ten retail dollars is projected to be spent online, with high-frequency categories such as grocery, lifestyle, and general merchandise accounting for two-thirds of e-retail expenditure.

Conclusion

India’s e-retail sector reflects the dynamic interplay of technology, policy, and socio-economic shifts. While macroeconomic challenges have tempered short-term growth, strong structural fundamentals and strategic disruptions position the sector for robust expansion. The transformation of digital commerce, particularly through inclusivity and value-driven models, is not only reshaping consumer behavior but also holds significant implications for employment, urbanization, and digital governance in India’s developmental journey.

Context:

India’s deep technology (deep tech) sector is emerging as a key driver of transformative innovation, leveraging advanced scientific breakthroughs to address complex challenges across sectors such as defence, healthcare, artificial intelligence (AI), biotechnology, aerospace, and renewable energy. Deep tech encompasses disruptive technologies including AI and machine learning, quantum computing, biotechnology, advanced materials, robotics, and aerospace systems.

Growth and Potential of India’s Deep Tech Sector

India’s deep tech ecosystem has seen rapid expansion in recent years. According to NASSCOM’s 2024 report, over 3,600 deep tech startups operate in India, with 480 new startups launched in 2023 alone, doubling the number from the previous year. While India ranks as the third-largest startup ecosystem globally, its deep tech sector ranks sixth worldwide. This growth reflects a rising blend of entrepreneurial ambition, government support, and increasing collaboration between academic institutions, research organisations, and industry.

Government initiatives such as the Draft National DeepTech Start-up Policy, the National Quantum Mission, India AI Mission, and substantial venture capital funds (e.g., ?1,000 crore for space tech startups) underscore India’s commitment to strengthening this ecosystem. Programmes like the Atal Innovation Mission, NITI Aayog’s innovation initiatives, and Start-up India provide critical support through incubators, accelerators, and funding mechanisms.

The ?20,000 Crore Deep Tech Fund

In the Union Budget 2024-25, Finance Minister announced a ?20,000 crore allocation as a 50-year interest-free loan to private sector-driven deep tech research and innovation. The fund aims to catalyse cutting-edge R&D and position India as a global leader in disruptive technologies.

However, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Science and Technology, Environment, Forests and Climate Change has raised significant concerns about this scheme. While acknowledging the boldness of the initiative, the Committee warned of risks including potential misallocation of funds, national security implications, and low return on investment for the government. It expressed doubts over the competence of fund managers in selecting impactful projects, cautioning that private entities might benefit disproportionately at public expense.

The Committee suggested that directing such substantial funding toward government research institutions might yield more measurable impact. It emphasized the need for transparency, accountability, and a robust framework to guide the implementation of the fund.

Underutilisation of Scientific Research Funds and Reviving Public Sector Units

The Committee also flagged suboptimal utilisation of allocated funds by the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research, with over half of the budget remaining unused late into the financial year. A significant portion (62%) is consumed by salaries and pensions, leaving limited funds for actual research and infrastructure development.

Further, the Committee highlighted concerns over the poor condition of two public sector undertakings under the Department of Biotechnology—BIBCOL and IVCOL. It recommended their revival to ensure affordable vaccine availability domestically and improve India’s position in the global vaccine market, especially for exports.

Policy Recommendations and Future Outlook

To unlock the full potential of deep tech innovation, the Committee and experts suggest multiple policy measures for Budget 2025 and beyond:

• Ensuring long-term, patient capital through government grants and venture capital funds to meet the high risk and capital-intensive nature of deep tech ventures.
• Strengthening intellectual property rights and establishing commercialisation hubs for startups.
• Enhancing public-private partnerships and specialised talent development through tailored skilling and certifications in AI, robotics, and quantum computing.
• Modernising infrastructure by establishing research hubs, technology parks, and national facilities such as wind tunnels.
• Streamlining regulatory frameworks for faster deployment of emerging technologies like autonomous vehicles and drones.
• Promoting sustainability by incentivising green and climate tech innovations.

Conclusion:

India’s deep tech sector is poised for a transformative leap, but its success hinges on addressing governance, funding utilisation, and ecosystem-building challenges. The government’s strategic interventions and sound policy frameworks will be crucial in translating India’s scientific prowess into global technological leadership.

In News:

The Covid-19 pandemic significantly altered migration patterns in India, with a massive reverse migration from urban areas to rural regions. The first lockdown saw 44.13 million people migrating, followed by 26.3 million during the second lockdown. These migrants, mostly low-wage workers, faced hardships like wage theft, food insecurity, and a lack of healthcare. Many, reliant on remittances, were economically strained.

Rebound of Rural-to-Urban Migration

Five years post-pandemic, migration trends have largely reverted to pre-Covid patterns. The rural economy struggled to accommodate returning migrants, offering limited job opportunities and low wages, leading many to return to urban centers. Rural distress and urban aspirations, supported by schemes like the Smart Cities Mission, continue to drive migration. Projections suggest that by 2026, 40% of India’s population will reside in urban areas. Additionally, climate change is intensifying migration, especially in agrarian states like Odisha, where disrupted agriculture forces people to migrate.

Shifts in International Migration

International migration also experienced changes post-Covid. While Indian emigrants faced challenges like job losses and poor living conditions abroad, remittances remained resilient, reaching $83.15 billion in 2020. Migration patterns shifted, with increasing numbers moving to Europe, particularly skilled professionals benefiting from the EU Blue Card program. Migration to Africa has also risen, driven by growth in sectors like IT and healthcare. The pandemic also fueled a rise in student migration, with the number of student emigrants from Kerala nearly doubling from 1.29 lakh in 2018 to 2.5 lakh in 2023.

Governance Challenges in Migration

Despite changes in migration patterns, several governance challenges persist. The lack of up-to-date migration data, compounded by delays in the 2021 Census and outdated figures from the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS), hampers effective policy-making. The Ministry of External Affairs' data underrepresents seasonal and temporary migrants, while illegal migration remains largely untracked.

Moreover, social security schemes remain inadequately implemented. The e-Shram portal, designed for unorganised workers, faces limited uptake due to digital exclusion and awareness gaps. Similarly, the One Nation One Ration Card (ONORC) scheme only covers part of the migrant population. Legal protections for migrant workers, like those under the Inter-State Migrant Workmen Act, 1979, remain weak, and the implementation of new Labour Codes introduced in 2020 is still incomplete.

Vulnerabilities and Gaps in Support

Certain vulnerable groups, such as migrant women and children, are often neglected in migration policies. Women face risks of trafficking and exploitation, while children suffer from disrupted education and inadequate healthcare. Climate-induced migration, resulting from floods and droughts, is also under-addressed in disaster management and climate adaptation policies, leaving communities unsupported during distress-induced mobility.

Recommendations for Strengthening Migration Governance

To address these challenges, India must strengthen migration governance:

• Robust Migration Data Systems: Expand Kerala’s migration surveys to other states for better national data systems.
• National Migration Policy: Expedite the NITI Aayog’s draft policy to ensure inter-ministerial coordination and gender-sensitive provisions.
• International Migration Frameworks: Enhance labour mobility agreements with emerging destinations like Europe and Africa, along with skill-building initiatives.
• Improved Social Security Access: Implement the Code on Social Security, 2020, and ensure portability of benefits across states.
• One-Stop Migrant Facilitation Centers: Establish urban centers to assist migrants with registration, legal aid, and grievance redressal.
• Address Vulnerable Groups: Develop policies protecting migrant women and children, ensuring education and healthcare access.
• Climate-Induced Migration: Integrate climate migration in national policies for adequate community support.

Conclusion

Migration in India has largely returned to urban centers, but governance remains a challenge. Strengthening migration data, enhancing social security systems, and improving coordination at all levels of government will ensure that migration serves as a tool for development and the welfare of millions of migrants across India.

In News:

India and New Zealand have officially resumed negotiations for a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) after a prolonged hiatus since 2015. This strategic move aims to enhance bilateral trade, deepen economic interdependence, and strengthen regional cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.

Background and Significance

The FTA talks, first initiated in 2010, were stalled due to differences, particularly over India’s high tariffs on New Zealand’s dairy and agricultural exports. The revival of discussions during New Zealand Prime Minister Christopher Luxon's official visit to India in 2025 signals a renewed commitment towards building a balanced, ambitious, and mutually beneficial trade framework.

The bilateral trade relationship, though modest, has shown robust growth. In 2023–24, India exported goods worth $538 million to New Zealand and imported $335 million, generating a trade surplus of $203 million. By December 2024, exports rose by 21.49%, and imports surged by 78.72%, narrowing the trade surplus to $33 million.

Key Objectives of the India–New Zealand FTA

• Enhance supply chain integration.
• Improve market access for goods, services, and investments.
• Strengthen economic resilience and bilateral commercial ties.
• Facilitate trade through the Authorized Economic Operators Mutual Recognition Arrangement (AEO-MRA).

India’s major exports to New Zealand include pharmaceuticals, machinery, textiles, and precious stones, while imports largely consist of wool, aluminum, fruits, and steel products.

Strategic and Geopolitical Dimensions

Beyond economics, the agreement holds strategic significance:

• A defense cooperation MoU was signed to institutionalize military engagements and promote maritime collaboration.
• New Zealand expressed intent to join India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI).
• Both nations pledged support for a free, open, inclusive Indo-Pacific, aligning with the UNCLOS-based rules-based international order.
• New Zealand reiterated support for India’s permanent membership in the reformed UNSC and entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).

Sectoral Cooperation and Emerging Areas

• Climate Change and Sustainability:
  • New Zealand joined India-led initiatives like the International Solar Alliance (ISA) and Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI).
  • Both countries committed to joint action under the Paris Agreement and Sendai Framework.
• Education and Skill Development:
  • A renewed Education Cooperation Arrangement was signed to boost academic partnerships, student mobility, and vocational training.
  • Plans are underway to commemorate 100 years of sports relations in 2026, coupled with a new MoU on sports cooperation.
• Diaspora and People-to-People Ties:
  • The Indian diaspora forms 6% of New Zealand’s population, playing a pivotal role in cultural and economic relations.
  • India raised concerns regarding pro-Khalistan activities, and New Zealand assured cooperation in addressing such issues.

Opportunities and Complementarities

India’s Strategic Importance to New Zealand:

• Large market with a growing middle class and rising demand for dairy, meat, and high-value agricultural exports.
• Largest source of skilled migrants and second-largest source of international students.
• Booming digital economy offers collaboration potential in fintech, AI, and digital services.

New Zealand’s Relevance to India:

• Expertise in sustainable farming and dairy technology supports India’s agricultural reforms.
• Recognized climate tech sector aligns with India’s clean energy transition.
• Potential buyer of India’s defense equipment and surveillance systems, enhancing maritime security amid Indo-Pacific tensions.

Challenges in Bilateral Relations

• Stalled FTA negotiations due to tariff sensitivities, particularly in the dairy sector.
• Non-tariff barriers (NTBs) affecting Indian exports like fruits and vegetables.
• Low trade volumes and limited awareness of New Zealand’s economic strengths among Indian businesses.
• Divergences in geopolitical alignments, with New Zealand’s reliance on China creating potential strategic friction.

Way Forward

• Conclude FTA negotiations through dialogue and sectoral agreements in pharmaceuticals, technology, and horticulture.
• Consider an interim Early Harvest Agreement, akin to India–Australia ECTA, to fast-track gains.
• Enhance market access by reducing NTBs, fast-tracking Mutual Recognition Arrangements (MRAs), and organizing trade expos and B2B interactions.
• Leverage climate and renewable energy cooperation, strengthen defense collaboration, and institutionalize maritime security mechanisms.

Conclusion

The renewed India–New Zealand FTA negotiations mark a pivotal step in recalibrating bilateral economic and strategic relations. Anchored in democratic values and shared Indo-Pacific interests, the partnership is poised to evolve into a multi-dimensional engagement encompassing trade, technology, climate resilience, and defense cooperation. The agreement, if concluded, could serve as a model for equitable North–South economic partnerships in a multipolar world order.

In News:

India, with over 95.04 crore internet users, faces a growing crisis of misinformation and disinformation. The spread of fake news has surged, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic, where misinformation increased by 214%, making India responsible for one in six pieces of global fake news related to the pandemic. This infodemic is fueled by unregulated social media platforms, AI-driven disinformation, and weak legal frameworks. As digital platforms become the primary source of news, addressing the spread of fake news is critical for maintaining public trust and democratic integrity.

Factors Driving the Infodemic

1. Unregulated Social Media: Platforms like WhatsApp, Facebook, and YouTube are major conduits for misinformation. The viral nature of content on these platforms often leads to false information reaching millions before fact-checking can occur. For instance, during the COVID-19 crisis, false cures and misleading health information spread rapidly on WhatsApp, creating public panic.

2. AI and Deepfakes: AI-powered tools have enabled the creation of deepfake content, including videos, audio, and images that mimic real people. During the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, deepfakes reinforced political biases, influencing voter sentiment. Similarly, AI-generated propaganda has played a role in amplifying social divides, as seen in global elections.

3. Political Manipulation: Fake news has become a political weapon, particularly during election cycles. In India’s 2024 elections, AI-generated speeches and content contributed to voter polarization. The use of algorithmic echo chambers exacerbates this by curating content that reinforces biases, thereby fostering ideological divides.

4. Weak Legal and Fact-Checking Mechanisms: India lacks a comprehensive legal framework to counter fake news. Existing laws, such as the Information Technology Act, 2000 and the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, address certain aspects of disinformation but fail to tackle the broader, evolving issue. The Election Commission of India (ECI) is under-resourced to handle the volume of misinformation during elections, further complicating efforts.

Challenges in Countering the Infodemic

1. Legal Gaps: Current laws are insufficient to address the modern challenges posed by fake news, particularly with the rise of AI-generated content. The Digital Personal Data Protection Act (DPDP), 2023, while a step forward, faces implementation challenges, and ad hoc measures like internet shutdowns only offer temporary solutions.

2. Sluggish Response by Tech Platforms: Social media giants like Meta, X, and YouTube have been criticized for their slow response in removing fake news. For instance, X’s "Community Notes" program has struggled to counter misinformation in real-time, allowing malicious actors to exploit the system before action is taken.

3. Lack of Awareness and Digital Literacy: Many users in India struggle to distinguish between credible and fake news, especially in rural areas where digital literacy is limited. This lack of awareness has led to tragic consequences, such as mob lynchings triggered by fake news spread on platforms like WhatsApp.

International Models and the Way Forward

1. Strong Legal Framework: Countries like Singapore and Germany have enacted robust laws to combat fake news. Singapore’s Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act imposes severe penalties for spreading deliberate misinformation. Similarly, Germany’s NetzDG Law mandates that social media platforms remove fake news within 24 hours or face heavy fines. India could draw lessons from these models, ensuring any new law balances freedom of speech with the need to curb harmful misinformation.

2. AI Regulation and Transparency: India must enforce strict regulations on AI-generated content, including mandatory labeling of deepfakes and AI-driven media. The EU's AI Act and Finland's digital literacy initiatives provide useful frameworks for promoting transparency and user awareness.

3. Strengthening the Election Commission: The ECI needs enhanced resources and clear guidelines for countering misinformation, particularly during elections. Collaborating with fact-checkers and media outlets can improve response times and effectiveness.

4. Digital Literacy Campaigns: A nationwide initiative, similar to Finland’s digital literacy program, is essential to educate the public on identifying fake news. Empowering citizens with the tools to critically evaluate information will reduce the spread and impact of misinformation.

Conclusion

India’s battle against fake news requires urgent legal intervention, especially as deepfakes and AI-driven misinformation continue to evolve. A comprehensive framework—one that protects free speech while holding platforms accountable for the spread of disinformation—is essential to preserve the integrity of democratic processes. The introduction of strict regulations, coupled with initiatives to boost digital literacy, will help safeguard public trust and social harmony in the digital age.

Context:
Marking the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995)—a landmark global framework for achieving gender equality—the UN Women’s Report 2025 presents a sobering assessment of the status of women’s rights worldwide. Released ahead of International Women’s Day 2025, the report reflects a disturbing pattern: while there has been measurable progress, recent years have witnessed an alarming backlash against gender equality in many parts of the world.

Key Findings

• Backsliding of Women’s Rights: Nearly one in four countries reported a backlash against women’s rights, often linked to democratic erosion and rise of authoritarian or conservative forces. The report warns of "anti-rights actors" systematically working to undermine legal and policy gains made over decades.
• Escalation in Gender-Based Violence

The world continues to grapple with high levels of violence against women:

• • A woman or girl is killed every 10 minutes by an intimate partner or family member.
  • Conflict-related sexual violence has risen 50% since 2022, with 95% of victims being women and girls.

These trends point to both persistent patriarchal norms and the failure of protective systems, especially in conflict and humanitarian settings.

• Legal and Political Disempowerment

Despite notable legislative progress:

• Women globally have only 64% of the legal rights enjoyed by men.
• Only 87 countries have ever had a female head of state.
• Women occupy just 26% of parliamentary seats, even though this figure has doubled since 1995.

These gaps reflect the structural barriers and gender biases embedded in political systems and governance.

• Economic and Health Inequities
  • 10% of women and girls live in extreme poverty.
  • Young women (ages 15–24) face limited access to family planning, impacting health and autonomy.
  • Maternal mortality has remained stagnant since 2015, reflecting uneven healthcare access.

Positive Developments

Despite the challenges, there are signs of progress:

• 88% of countries now have laws against violence towards women.
• Most countries have banned workplace discrimination.
• 44% of countries are working to improve education and training for women.
• Female legislative representation has more than doubled since 1995.

UN Women’s Roadmap for Gender Equality (2030)

To address setbacks and accelerate progress, the report outlines a five-pronged strategy:

• Digital Inclusion – Ensure equitable access to digital technologies.
• Social Protection – Invest in universal healthcare, education, and safety nets.
• Zero Gender-Based Violence – Strengthen laws, services, and public awareness.
• Equal Decision-Making – Promote women's leadership in all sectors.
• Gender-Sensitive Crisis Response – Integrate gender priorities in humanitarian aid.

Conclusion

The UN Women’s Report 2025 underscores a critical paradox: legal and policy advancements coexist with deep-rooted inequalities and growing resistance to gender justice. As UN Secretary-General António Guterres aptly noted, “Instead of mainstreaming equal rights, we’re seeing the mainstreaming of misogyny.” Achieving SDG 5 (Gender Equality) by 2030 demands sustained political will, democratic resilience, and transformative reforms. For India and the global community, this is both a warning and an opportunity—to reaffirm their commitment to gender justice and inclusive development.

In News:

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has been a major development partner for India, contributing over $2.8 billion in Official Development Assistance (ODA) since 2001. While initial assistance focused on food aid, recent decades saw a shift toward public health, environmental sustainability, digital infrastructure, and institutional capacity building.

Between 2022 and 2024, India received substantial aid from USAID — $228 million in 2022, $175 million in 2023, and $151 million in 2024 (as of December). A significant portion of this funding targeted health and population programs, including polio eradication, maternal and child health, tuberculosis (TB), HIV/AIDS, and Covid-19 response.

In 2022 alone, $120 million was allocated to Covid-19 control, alongside support for healthcare infrastructure and awareness campaigns.

USAID also supported India’s environmental goals, providing funds for air pollution control, clean water initiatives, and climate resilience, with $17.12 million allocated in 2024. Additionally, USAID backed India's technological advancement by exploring secure 5G Open Radio Access Network (O-RAN) systems, aligning with the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy aimed at countering China’s influence.

However, the January 20, 2025 Executive Order by the U.S. administration directed a halt to foreign aid and restructuring of USAID. Although initially stayed by a U.S. Federal Court in February, the Supreme Court’s March 5 verdict upheld the aid cuts, jeopardizing thousands of ongoing development projects globally, including in India.

This decision critically affects India’s public health landscape. For instance, the ‘Breaking the Barriers’ TB awareness program in Karnataka, Bihar, Telangana, and Assam — funded with $7 million between 2022–23 — is being discontinued. The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), another major source of HIV/AIDS support, also faces disruption, risking higher infection and mortality rates. The cuts particularly threaten NGOs like Karnataka Health Promotion Trust (KHPT), which relied on USAID for operational continuity.

Beyond health, the withdrawal of USAID support may create a strategic vacuum in South Asia, enabling greater Chinese geopolitical and economic influence. Legal uncertainty around development aid has also raised concerns about the stability of global health and environmental partnerships.

Way Forward for India

• Diversify donor engagement: India must strengthen development ties with consistent partners like Japan ($2.97B in 2022), the EU ($383.5M), and Germany ($235M).
• Increase domestic investments in public health, sanitation, and clean energy to reduce dependence on external aid.
• Boost private sector and philanthropic partnerships to ensure continuity of key health and environmental programs.
• Strengthen indigenous R&D capacity, especially in digital infrastructure and vaccine development.
• Diplomatic dialogue with U.S. policymakers can explore possibilities for reinstating targeted support.

Conclusion

The scaling back of USAID poses significant challenges to India's public health, environmental sustainability, and strategic autonomy. However, it also presents an opportunity for India to reinforce its developmental sovereignty through diversified funding, innovation, and international cooperation.

Introduction

India’s health governance follows a quasi-federal structure where health is constitutionally a State subject. However, increasing centralisation, particularly in medical education and national health schemes, is raising concerns over States’ autonomy and the effectiveness of federal health policies.

Judicial Push Towards Centralisation

The recent Supreme Court ruling in Dr. Tanvi Behl vs Shrey Goyal (2025) declared domicile-based reservations in post-graduate (PG) medical admissions unconstitutional, citing Article 14 and the principle of meritocracy. This decision, however, overlooks the critical link between State investments in medical education and their ability to retain specialists within local health systems. Domicile quotas served as a strategic tool to ensure a stable, locally adapted healthcare workforce, especially amid chronic specialist shortages.

Striking down such quotas may discourage States from investing in medical institutions if their graduates are siphoned off to other regions. Unlike central institutions like AIIMS or PGIMER, which enjoy selection autonomy, State medical colleges now face limited control over admissions, weakening their role as pillars of regional health systems.

Centralisation Through Policy and Institutions

Beyond judiciary-led centralisation, several national initiatives have expanded the Centre's role:

• National Health Mission (NHM): While implemented by States, funding and guidelines remain Centre-dominated.
• Ayushman Bharat (2018) and AB Digital Mission: These schemes shifted healthcare financing and data control towards the Centre, reducing the relevance of State-run insurance programs.
• National Medical Commission Act (2019): Replacing the MCI, this law enhanced the Centre's control over medical education regulation.
• Epidemic and Disaster Management Acts: Empower the Centre during health emergencies, as witnessed during COVID-19.

Consequences of Over-Centralisation

Excessive centralisation undermines India’s diverse health needs and local governance:

• Limited Responsiveness to Local Needs: Uniform policies ignore State-specific demographics. For instance, Kerala requires elderly care, while Bihar and UP demand maternal and child health focus.
• Reduced Decision-Making Power: States lose flexibility in tailoring central schemes, as seen with Ayushman Bharat PM-JAY.
• Bureaucratic Inefficiencies: Delays in fund disbursal under centrally sponsored schemes hinder timely execution.
• Weakening of Local Health Systems: Panchayats and municipal bodies—crucial to grassroots delivery—are often bypassed in favour of top-down mechanisms.

Meritocracy vs Social Equity

The rigid focus on merit in PG admissions disregards structural inequalities. As seen in recent NEET-PG cutoffs being lowered to zero percentile to fill seats, the current meritocratic model is flawed. Regional representation and public service outcomes should be considered in defining ‘merit’, aligning medical education with societal needs.

Way Forward

• Restore State Autonomy in Admissions: States should be empowered to design admissions aligned with local healthcare priorities.
• Fiscal and Functional Decentralisation: Grant flexibility in using central funds and reduce bureaucratic controls.
• Strengthen Cooperative Federalism: Institutionalise Centre-State coordination in health planning and policy-making.
• Invest in Local Systems: Enhance capacities of State health departments and grassroots governance bodies.

Conclusion

While central guidance is essential for national health objectives, excessive centralisation risks weakening India’s federal health architecture. A balanced approach rooted in cooperative federalism is vital to create an inclusive, efficient, and resilient healthcare system for all.

In News:

Artificial Intelligence (AI) is reshaping governance globally, with nations like the United States and China making significant investments in AI-led legal and policing reforms. The U.S. government’s $100 billion Stargate AI Initiative and China’s development of cost-effective large language models (LLMs) like QWQ and DeepSeek highlight the competitive race for technological dominance. For India, grappling with over 50 million pending cases, AI offers a transformative opportunity to enhance efficiency, transparency, and trust in its criminal justice system.

AI in Law Enforcement and Crime Prevention

India’s SMART policing initiative—Strategic, Meticulous, Adaptable, Reliable, Transparent—can be significantly enhanced through AI integration. AI tools such as Automated FIR registration (e.g., Mumbai Police’s AI-assisted e-FIR system) reduce administrative burdens and accelerate complaint processing. Predictive policing, using crime mapping and data analysis like that piloted by Delhi Police, helps identify crime hotspots. AI-enabled facial recognition systems, like the Automated Facial Recognition System (AFRS) of NCRB, assist in criminal identification.

Cybersecurity also benefits from AI. Organizations like CERT-In deploy AI to counter phishing, ransomware, and deepfake threats. Banks and law enforcement utilize AI-based fraud detection systems, such as those powered by RBI’s CRILC, to flag suspicious transactions. AI tools are increasingly used to detect deepfakes and synthetic media, enhancing digital forensics.

Moreover, AI can assist in real-time crime analysis. Field-level policing data—such as offender patterns and patrol routes—can feed AI models to guide proactive interventions. Supervisory efficiency improves through AI-powered collation and analysis of data at the district level, allowing redeployment of personnel from administrative roles to core policing duties.

AI in the Judicial System

In courts, AI supports the e-Courts Project by digitizing case files, reducing delays in documentation and improving record management. Tools like SUPACE (Supreme Court Portal for Assistance in Court Efficiency) assist judges in legal research, precedent identification, and judgment writing. AI-driven real-time transcription systems, being piloted in the U.S., can improve transparency and reduce dependence on manual record-keeping.

AI also plays a role in bail and sentencing decisions. For instance, the Delhi High Court is exploring AI-based risk assessment tools to promote consistency. Additionally, AI tools can detect anomalies in legal documents, preventing delays due to forged or inaccurate filings.

Challenges and the Way Forward

The integration of AI into justice faces several challenges. AI models trained on biased data, as seen in the U.S. tool COMPAS, can perpetuate systemic inequities. Privacy concerns are also paramount and must align with India’s Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023. Implementation gaps include the lack of AI literacy among legal and police personnel and the absence of a comprehensive regulatory framework, as highlighted by the B.N. Srikrishna Committee.

To overcome these, India must establish a central AI Justice Task Force, expand AI usage in high courts, formulate ethical AI standards aligned with NITI Aayog’s AI strategy, and invest in AI training programs for judicial and law enforcement staff.

Conclusion

AI offers a critical path to revitalizing India’s overstretched justice system. If implemented responsibly, it can streamline policing, reduce judicial delays, and enhance public trust. A technology-first approach, combined with ethical safeguards, will be key to ensuring that justice in India becomes not only swift but also fair and inclusive.

Context:

India’s textile and apparel industry is one of the largest globally, contributing significantly to the economy through employment, exports, and industrial output. It accounts for 2.3% of India’s GDP (projected to rise to 5% by 2030), 13% of industrial production, and 12% of total exports. Employing over 4.5 crore people, it is second only to agriculture in job creation. Yet, despite its scale, India lags behind competitors like China, Vietnam, and Bangladesh in global exports.

Current Status and Strengths

India is the world’s second-largest producer of cotton and man-made fibres (MMFs) such as polyester and viscose. Cotton alone engages over 60 lakh farmers, mainly in Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Telangana. The country is also a global leader in jute and technical textiles. The textile and apparel market is projected to reach USD 350 billion by 2030.

FY24 exports stood at USD 35.9 billion, a marginal increase from USD 33.4 billion in FY20. Key destinations include the US, EU, and UAE. Yet, apparel exports have declined from USD 15.5 billion in FY20 to USD 14.5 billion in FY24. While cotton textile exports rose to USD 12.3 billion, growth has remained modest.

Challenges Holding Back the Sector

• Fragmented Supply Chains: India’s textile value chain is highly fragmented, concentrated in MSME clusters with regional specializations (e.g., Tiruppur for knitwear, Surat for polyester). This hampers integration and increases logistics costs. In contrast, competitors operate vertically integrated “fibre-to-fashion” hubs.
• High Raw Material Costs: Quality Control Orders (QCOs) on polyester and viscose restrict cheaper imports. As a result, domestic fibres are significantly costlier—polyester by 33–36% and viscose by 14–16% compared to China.
• Lack of FTAs: Unlike Vietnam and Bangladesh, India lacks preferential trade agreements with major markets like the EU and the US. This undermines price competitiveness and limits market access.
• Regulatory Burden: Complex customs and compliance procedures increase operational costs, particularly for small exporters. In contrast, simplified systems in competing nations reduce red tape.
• Sustainability Pressures: Global markets now demand higher environmental compliance—renewable energy use, water recycling, and traceability. EU regulations (2021–2024) affect 20% of India’s textile exports. MSMEs find it difficult to adapt without financial support.
• Low Per Capita Fibre Consumption: Despite being a major producer, India’s fibre consumption is just 5.5 kg per capita—half the global average.

Way Forward

• Supply Chain Integration: Develop MITRA textile parks and “fibre-to-fashion” hubs to reduce costs and improve efficiency.
• Raw Material Reforms: Reassess QCOs to allow controlled imports and reduce input prices.
• Trade Policy: Secure FTAs with key markets to enhance export competitiveness.
• Labour Productivity: Set up housing near textile clusters (as in China) to improve worker efficiency and reduce attrition.
• Boost MMF Usage: Promote domestic MMF consumption through targeted incentives.
• Green Transition: Provide financial and technical support to MSMEs to adopt sustainable practices and enter the recycled textile market, projected to reach USD 400 million in India.

With structural reforms and global alignment, India’s textile industry holds immense potential to emerge as a global leader while promoting sustainable, inclusive growth.

In News:

India and Qatar have significantly deepened their bilateral relationship, particularly with the recent state visit of Qatar’s Amir, Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al-Thani, to India. This visit marked a pivotal moment, as both countries elevated their ties to a "strategic partnership," exploring avenues for collaboration in energy, trade, and diplomacy.

Evolution of India-Qatar Relations

India's relationship with the Gulf region is multifaceted, encompassing economic, cultural, and people-to-people ties. Qatar holds a special place in India’s foreign policy due to its strategic position in the Middle East, its influence in the LNG market, and its robust ties with both Western powers and regional players such as Israel and Afghanistan. As one of the largest suppliers of LNG to India, Qatar’s energy significance is paramount.

India has consistently prioritized relations with the Gulf, with the Prime Minister placing special emphasis on strengthening ties. The recent visits by India’s External Affairs Minister to Qatar underscore the diplomatic importance of this relationship.

Key Outcomes of the Amir’s Visit

The visit of Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad Al-Thani resulted in several key agreements and developments:

• Strategic Partnership:India and Qatar upgraded their relationship to a "strategic partnership," signaling enhanced cooperation across various domains such as energy security, trade, and investment. This move aligns Qatar with India’s other strategic Gulf partners like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Oman, reinforcing regional cooperation under the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).
• Economic and Trade Cooperation:The two countries committed to doubling bilateral trade from $14 billion to $28 billion over the next five years. Qatar also pledged $10 billion in new investments in India, particularly in the infrastructure, energy, and technology sectors. Several agreements on economic cooperation, youth affairs, and double taxation avoidance were also signed, aimed at facilitating business activities.
• Energy Cooperation:A landmark agreement between QatarEnergy and India’s Petronet LNG extended their LNG supply deal for 20 years, marking the largest-ever LNG agreement. This deal secures India’s long-term energy needs and diversifies its energy sources, ensuring stable pricing for LNG imports.
• Free Trade Agreement (FTA) Possibilities:Discussions were held on a potential India-Qatar Free Trade Agreement (FTA) to boost trade relations. While Qatar has existing FTAs with countries like China, a similar agreement with India could further enhance trade and investment flows. However, India must ensure safeguards to prevent the dumping of third-party goods through Qatar.
• Resolution of Diplomatic Setback:Bilateral relations were strained in 2022 following the arrest of eight Indian Navy personnel in Qatar on espionage charges. The Amir’s decision to pardon these individuals removed a significant diplomatic roadblock, improving goodwill between the two countries.

Challenges and the Way Forward

Despite the positive developments, challenges persist:

• Economic and Trade Barriers:Non-tariff barriers and bureaucratic hurdles remain significant obstacles to smoother business transactions. Moreover, Qatar’s investments in India are still limited compared to other Gulf nations, despite its substantial sovereign wealth fund. India must encourage greater Qatari participation in sectors like infrastructure, startups, and energy exploration.
• Political and Security Risks:The volatile security situation in the Middle East, particularly tensions between Iran and Israel, poses risks to India’s energy supply chains. Any diplomatic tensions between Qatar and its Gulf neighbors could indirectly affect India’s trade interests.
• Labor and Migration Issues:India must continue to advocate for better working conditions and legal protections for Indian workers in Qatar. Ensuring the welfare of Indian expatriates, including seamless remittance flows and social security benefits, is essential for strengthening bilateral ties.

Conclusion

The elevation of India-Qatar relations to a strategic partnership marks a new chapter in their ties, positioning Qatar as a critical partner in India’s energy security and trade. As India’s influence in the Middle East and global energy markets grows, its relationship with Qatar will play an increasingly important role in shaping the region’s geopolitical landscape. The continued focus on economic cooperation, energy security, and labor welfare will be vital to sustaining and expanding this crucial partnership.

In News:

The India Philanthropy Report 2025, a joint publication by Bain & Company and Dasra, presents an insightful overview of the evolving landscape of philanthropic giving in India. With private philanthropic funding projected to grow annually by 10–12% over the next five years, the report underlines the increasing role of family philanthropy and corporate social responsibility (CSR) in complementing public sector expenditure on social development.

Growth of Social Sector Funding

India's total social sector funding reached approximately ?25 lakh crore ($300 billion) in FY24, accounting for 8.3% of the GDP. Public funding continues to dominate, constituting 95% of the total with allocations towards flagship welfare schemes like MGNREGS and the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana. Private philanthropy, however, is steadily gaining ground, contributing ?1.3 lakh crore ($16 billion) in FY24, and is expected to grow significantly by FY29.

Despite this growth, a considerable funding gap persists—estimated at ?14 lakh crore in FY24 and projected to widen to ?16 lakh crore by FY29. Bridging this deficit is critical for meeting India's Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the vision of Viksit Bharat@2047.

Rise of Family Philanthropy

Family philanthropy has emerged as a key driver of private social funding, accounting for around 40% of total private contributions. It spans diverse sectors including education, healthcare, gender equity, diversity and inclusion (GEDI), climate action, and social justice. Notably, 55% of family philanthropic initiatives are women-led, and around one-third involve next-generation leadership, indicating a shift towards more inclusive and innovative giving.

Structured philanthropy is becoming more prominent, with nearly 65% of family-run initiatives now managed by professional teams. The report projects that by building robust advisory infrastructure and tapping into family offices, India can unlock an additional ?50,000–55,000 crore ($6–$7 billion) in family philanthropy over the next five years.

Corporate Social Responsibility: Compliance and Concentration

Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) spending, mandated under the Companies Act, is another critical pillar. CSR expenditure is growing at a projected 10–12% per annum, driven by increased compliance and strategic integration into corporate goals. The number of CSR-compliant firms rose from 12,000 in FY22 to around 15,000 in FY23.

Family-owned businesses contribute nearly 65%–70% of total private CSR spending, with major conglomerates like Tata, Adani, Birla, and Ambani alone accounting for ?800–1,000 crore each annually. However, the sector remains top-heavy: just 2% of family-owned firms are responsible for over half of all CSR contributions.

HNIs, UHNIs, and the Philanthropic Disparity

Despite the promising trends, Indian High-Net-Worth Individuals (HNIs) and Ultra-High-Net-Worth Individuals (UHNIs) still contribute a relatively small fraction of their wealth towards philanthropy. Indian UHNIs donate only 0.1%–0.15% of their wealth, compared to 1.2%–2.5% in the US, 0.5%–1.8% in the UK, and 0.5%–1.4% in China.

In FY24, average annual philanthropic contributions from UHNIs (net worth ?1,000 crore and above) hovered around ?5 crore, while HNIs (?200–1,000 crore) contributed ?0.4–?5 crore. This indicates a large untapped potential that can significantly bolster India's development financing.

Institutionalization and Diaspora Potential

The number of family offices—dedicated institutions managing family wealth and philanthropy—has increased from 45 in 2018 to 300 in 2024, with projections to cross 500 by 2029. Institutions like Dasra, Sattva, and Bridgespan have been instrumental in supporting structured and high-impact philanthropy.

India’s diaspora, growing from 18 million in 2019 to 35 million in 2024, also presents a significant but underutilized opportunity. While diaspora philanthropy is estimated at $130 billion currently, better awareness, simplified compliance norms, and digital platforms could enhance its impact and push the potential closer to $200 billion.

Challenges and the Way Forward

Despite the optimistic outlook, several challenges hinder the full realization of philanthropic potential in India:

• Persistent funding gaps in critical sectors like healthcare, education, and climate change.
• Regulatory and compliance barriers, especially affecting foreign and diaspora contributions.
• Fragmented infrastructure, with limited advisory services and high transaction costs.
• Short-term funding models, with only 23% of family philanthropies combining grants with direct program implementation, undermining sustainable impact.

To address these, the report suggests:

• Promoting long-term funding mechanisms, including multi-year grants.
• Professionalizing philanthropy through structured advisory services and capacity building.
• Unlocking diaspora contributions via simplified regulations and dedicated philanthropic platforms.
• Enhancing collaboration across stakeholders to amplify social impact and innovation.

Conclusion

The India Philanthropy Report 2025 underscores the transformative potential of private giving, particularly through family philanthropy and CSR. While public funding remains the bedrock of India’s social development agenda, strengthening the philanthropic ecosystem—by leveraging wealth, institutions, and global networks—is vital to achieving equitable growth and meeting national development goals.

In News:

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) conducted a comprehensive pan-India survey during May–July 2024 to assess the farmers’ share in consumer prices for 12 major rabi crops. The survey spanned mandis and villages across 86 centres in 18 states, and included detailed inputs from farmers, traders, and retailers, with over 10,699 respondents.

Key Findings:

• Farmers’ Share in Consumer Prices:
  • Ranged between 40% and 67% across rabi crops.
  • Wheat farmers received the highest share (67%), attributed to its status as a notified commodity under the public procurement system; about 25% of wheat farmers sold at Minimum Support Price (MSP).
  • Rice farmers received 52%, a figure consistent over previous surveys (49% in 2018, 45% in 2022), indicating stability.
  • In pulses, lentil (masoor) farmers earned 66%, and gram (chana) farmers earned 60% of the retail price.
  • In oilseeds, mustard farmers received 52%, slightly lower than the 55% found in a 2021 study.
• Perishables vs Non-Perishables:
  • Fruits and vegetables showed lower farmer share (40–63%), due to their perishability, seasonal production, and logistical challenges.
  • The combined markup of traders and retailers exceeded 50% in most perishable crops (except tomatoes).
  • Perishables face higher post-harvest losses, quality variation, and price volatility due to climate dependency and demand-supply fluctuations.

Supply Chain and Payments:

• The agriculture supply chain remains unorganized, especially for fruits and vegetables, with multiple intermediaries reducing transparency in pricing, logistics, and fund flows.
• Retailer markups were typically higher than those of traders. An empirical analysis showed that:
  • Higher transaction costs (e.g., transport, labour) reduce retailer markups.
  • High post-harvest losses in perishables allow markups to be passed on to consumers.

Digital Transactions:Though cash transactions still dominate, the adoption of electronic payments saw a significant rise in 2024 across all stakeholders compared to previous surveys in 2018 and 2022.

Policy Implications:

• A higher farmers’ share is essential to:
  • Enhance farm incomes
  • Incentivise crop diversification, particularly from cereals to pulses and oilseeds
  • Improve transparency in the agri-supply chain
• Strengthening public procurement, digital infrastructure, and organised logistics are vital for ensuring fair price realisation by farmers.

In News:

The recent visit of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to India, marked a significant recalibration in India-EU relations. Amid global geopolitical flux—characterized by U.S.-Europe divergences, China’s assertiveness, and disrupted supply chains—India and the EU are deepening cooperation in trade, technology, climate, and security. This partnership is crucial for regional stability and shaping a multipolar, rules-based global order.

Strategic and Economic Dimensions

• Trade and Investment:The EU is India’s largest trading partner, accounting for 12.2% of India’s total trade in 2023. Bilateral goods trade reached $135 billion (FY 2023–24), and services trade stood at $53 billion. The EU is the second-largest source of FDI into India ($117.4 billion since 2000), while Indian FDI to the EU was $40 billion. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) talks, revived in 2021, aim to resolve tariff and regulatory barriers in sectors like automobiles, dairy, pharma, and IT services.
• Technology and Digital Cooperation:The India-EU Trade and Technology Council (TTC), launched in 2022, promotes collaboration in semiconductors, AI, clean energy, and resilient supply chains. Key developments include MoUs on semiconductor R&D and high-performance computing. Challenges remain, particularly around EU data adequacy under GDPR, which affects Indian digital exporters.
• Green Transition and Energy Security:The EU-India Clean Energy and Climate Partnership focuses on renewable energy, smart grids, and sustainable cities. A €1 billion European Investment Bank fund supports green hydrogen projects. India’s participation in European Hydrogen Week 2024 signals growing collaboration in clean energy. Initiatives like SWITCH-Asia promote sustainable consumption and circular economy practices.
• Maritime and Defense Cooperation:Under the ESIWA framework, India and the EU are expanding maritime security ties. The EU has stationed a liaison officer at India’s Information Fusion Centre (Gurugram), and the first joint naval exercise in the Gulf of Guinea (2023) emphasized Indo-Pacific cooperation. However, defense ties remain limited due to India's stronger military relationships with Russia and the U.S.

Institutional and Societal Ties

India-EU relations date back to 1962 and were elevated to a Strategic Partnership in 2004. The Roadmap to 2025, adopted in 2020, prioritizes digital transformation, climate action, and multilateralism. The TTC’s recent meetings reaffirm commitment to tech and trade collaboration.

People-to-people ties are strengthening. Indians received over 20% of EU Blue Cards (2023–24). Over 6,000 Indian students have benefitted from Erasmus scholarships, and 2,700 researchers from Marie Sk?odowska-Curie Actions.

Key Challenges

• Stalled FTA Talks over tariffs and market access.
• Regulatory barriers under SPS and TBT norms.
• Data governance divergence due to lack of EU data adequacy for India.
• Foreign policy misalignments, especially over Russia-Ukraine.
• Fragmented defense engagement due to EU’s limited commitment.

Way Forward

India and the EU must resolve FTA hurdles, negotiate a data-sharing framework, align Indo-Pacific strategies, and invest in alternative supply chains via IMEC. Enhanced cooperation in green tech, cybersecurity, and digital infrastructure is key. India must also reform its regulatory landscape to attract EU tech and manufacturing investments.

Conclusion

India-EU ties are entering a transformative phase. Anchored in shared democratic values and strategic interests, the partnership can promote multipolarity, sustainable development, and a resilient global governance architecture.

Context

The Indian government is strategizing to cap or reduce the consumption of high-analysis fertilizers—Urea, Di-Ammonium Phosphate (DAP), and Muriate of Potash (MOP)—due to their heavy import dependence, rising economic burden, and adverse environmental impacts. This shift is crucial for ensuring nutrient balance, reducing foreign exchange outflows, and promoting sustainable agriculture.

India’s Dependence on Imported Fertilisers

• MOP: India is fully dependent on imports from countries like Canada, Russia, Jordan, Israel, Turkmenistan, and Belarus, as it has no mineable potash reserves.
• Urea: While over 85% of urea demand is met domestically, production relies on imported liquefied natural gas (LNG) from Qatar, the US, UAE, and Angola.
• DAP: Imported both as finished fertiliser and raw materials (rock phosphate, sulphur, phosphoric acid, ammonia) mainly from Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Jordan, China, and others.

The Need to Limit High-Analysis Fertiliser Usage

Economic Concerns

• The rupee's depreciation increases fertiliser import costs.
• India spent ?1.75 lakh crore on fertiliser subsidies in 2023-24.
• Subsidised urea is sold at rates far below cost, draining government resources and encouraging overuse.
• DAP's landed price stands at ?55,150 per tonne, with production costs exceeding ?65,000 per tonne, while the government-fixed retail price remains ?27,000 per tonne, necessitating large subsidies.

Environmental Concerns

• Excessive application of urea and DAP depletes organic carbon in soils, reduces microbial diversity, and causes groundwater contamination through nitrate leaching.
• Soil health degradation ultimately reduces crop productivity and ecological resilience.

Governance Challenges

• High subsidies encourage black marketing and non-agricultural diversion.
• Lack of strict nutrient management regulations leads to soil nutrient imbalances.

The Shift Towards Balanced Fertilisation

High-analysis fertilisers like urea (46% nitrogen), DAP (46% phosphorus + 18% nitrogen), and MOP (60% potash) often lead to over-application and inefficiency. Crops instead require a balanced supply of:

• Macronutrients (N, P, K),
• Secondary nutrients (sulphur, calcium, magnesium),
• Micronutrients (zinc, iron, copper, boron, manganese, molybdenum).

Balanced fertilisation ensures efficient nutrient uptake, enhances yields, preserves soil health, and optimises resource use.

Emerging Alternatives

Ammonium Phosphate Sulphate (APS – 20:20:0:13)

• Contains 20% N, 20% P, and 13% S, but no K.
• Sulphur-rich, making it ideal for oilseeds, pulses, maize, cotton, onion, and chilli.
• APS manufacturing is more economical, requiring less costly phosphoric acid compared to DAP.
• Sales surged 32.4%, from 4.9 million tonnes (2022-23) to 6.5 million tonnes (2023-24), making APS the third-most consumed fertiliser after urea and DAP.
• Leading APS producers include Coromandel International, Paradeep Phosphates, and Mangalore Chemicals & Fertilizers.

Single Super Phosphate (SSP – 16% P, 11% S)

• A low-cost, sulphur-rich fertiliser ideal for oilseeds and vegetable cultivation.

Nano Urea and Nano DAP

• Developed by Indian Farmers Fertiliser Cooperative (IFFCO).
• Enhance nutrient use efficiency by 15–20%, require lower application rates, and reduce overall fertiliser consumption.

NPKS Complex Fertilisers

• Formulations like 10:26:26:0, 12:32:16:0, 15:15:15:0, and 14:35:14:0 provide balanced nutrients.
• Help integrate potash application into complexes, reducing direct MOP use.
• NPKS fertiliser sales are projected to reach 14 million tonnes in 2024-25, up from 7.3 million tonnes in 2013-14.

Biofertilisers and Organic Manure

• Promote sustainable farming by improving soil health and reducing chemical fertiliser dependence.
• Supported by government initiatives like the PM-PRANAM scheme.

Effectiveness of Substitutes

• Reduces Import Costs: APS and Nano Urea reduce foreign exchange outflows.
• Enhances Soil Health: Balanced fertilisers prevent soil degradation and restore fertility.
• Improves Crop Yields: Trials demonstrate better nutrient absorption and yield improvements.
• Promotes Sustainability: Encourages ecological farming practices.

Policy Support and The Way Forward

Government Initiatives

• PM-PRANAM Scheme: Promotes alternative fertilisers.
• Nutrient-Based Subsidy (NBS): Encourages balanced fertiliser use.
• Soil Health Card Campaign: Educates farmers about soil-specific nutrient needs.

Strategic Recommendations

• Subsidy Reforms: Focus subsidies on APS, Nano Urea, and complex fertilisers rather than high-analysis fertilisers.
• Technology Adoption: Use AI-based tools like Microsoft FarmVibes AI for precision fertiliser application.
• Domestic R&D Investment: Strengthen indigenous production of fertilisers and biofertilisers.
• Policy Alignment: Integrate fertiliser policy with climate change and agricultural sustainability strategies.

Conclusion

India’s high dependence on imported urea, DAP, and MOP is economically unsustainable and environmentally detrimental. Transitioning towards balanced fertilisers like APS, Nano Urea, and organic alternatives is critical for ensuring long-term agricultural sustainability, reducing subsidy burdens, conserving foreign exchange, and preserving soil health. This shift requires concerted efforts through government policy, farmer education, and technological innovation.

In News:

The application of the death penalty in India continues to evoke debate, particularly in light of contrasting verdicts such as those in the 2024 R.G. Kar Medical College case and the Sharon Raj murder case. These cases highlighted the inconsistent application of the 'rarest of rare' doctrine, a judicial principle guiding capital punishment in the country.

Evolution of the 'Rarest of Rare' Doctrine

The debate surrounding the constitutionality and application of the death penalty began with Jagmohan Singh vs. State of Uttar Pradesh (1972). The Supreme Court upheld the death penalty’s constitutionality under Article 21 (Right to Life), ruling that it did not violate Articles 14 (equality before law) or 19 (freedom of speech and expression), despite concerns over lack of sentencing guidelines.

A definitive framework emerged in Bachan Singh vs. State of Punjab (1980), where the apex court held that the death penalty should only be awarded in the 'rarest of rare' cases. However, the Court did not precisely define what constituted "rarest of rare," leaving the interpretation to judicial discretion.

To bring clarity, the Supreme Court in Machhi Singh vs. State of Punjab (1983) outlined five guiding criteria to determine such cases:

1. Manner of the Crime – Exceptionally brutal, grotesque, or shocking to the community.
2. Motive of the Crime – Exhibiting extreme depravity or sadistic intent.
3. Socially Abhorrent Nature – Offenses targeting marginalized individuals or groups.
4. Magnitude of Crime – Cases involving multiple murders or large-scale violence.
5. Victim’s Vulnerability – When victims are children, women, elderly, or otherwise helpless.

Further, in Mithu vs. State of Punjab (1983), the Court struck down Section 303 of the IPC, which mandated the death penalty for life convicts committing murder. The judgment reaffirmed that capital punishment must remain discretionary, emphasizing judicial evaluation of aggravating and mitigating circumstances.

Case Studies: A Reflection of Judicial Discretion

• In the R.G. Kar Medical College case, a female medical trainee was raped and murdered. Despite the brutality, the court ruled that the case did not meet the threshold of 'rarest of rare' and awarded life imprisonment to the convict.
• Conversely, in the Sharon Raj case, a young man was poisoned by his partner in a premeditated act. The court termed it one of the 'rarest of rare' cases and awarded the death penalty, citing the calculated nature and moral depravity of the crime.

These differing verdicts underscore the subjective application of the doctrine, with considerable weight placed on judicial interpretation.

Contemporary Concerns and Legal Developments

While the doctrine aims to preserve the sanctity of life by making the death penalty an exception, its lack of statutory definition and variability in interpretation has invited criticism. In 2022, the Supreme Court referred the issue to a Constitution Bench to explore how sentencing procedures could better accommodate mitigating factors and ensure a "meaningful, real and effective" hearing before sentencing.

Conclusion

The 'rarest of rare' doctrine represents a critical balancing act between justice and retribution in India's legal system. Although it seeks to restrict capital punishment to the most egregious crimes, its ambiguous parameters and judicial discretion often lead to inconsistent outcomes. Going forward, a more standardized and transparent sentencing framework could strengthen judicial credibility and uphold constitutional morality.

Context:

India has adopted sovereign green bonds (SGrBs) as a key strategy to finance its transition to a low-carbon economy. However, these bonds have faced muted demand from investors, limiting the effectiveness of this funding source. Despite efforts to ease participation rules and attract foreign investors, the expected "greenium" (lower borrowing costs) remains weak, leading to funding shortfalls for vital green projects.

What are Sovereign Green Bonds?

Sovereign Green Bonds are issued by the government to raise capital for environmentally sustainable projects such as renewable energy, energy efficiency, and climate resilience. In India, the government established a framework for issuing these bonds in 2022. Since their introduction, India has raised nearly Rs 53,000 crore through eight issuances, with funds primarily allocated to projects like energy-efficient locomotives and metro developments.

Weak Investor Demand

Despite the government's efforts, India's SGrBs have struggled to attract investor interest. A significant issue is the limited greenium, which in India has only reached 2–3 basis points, far below the global average of 7–8 basis points. This lack of financial incentive makes these bonds less attractive compared to regular bonds. Additionally, small issue sizes and limited secondary market trading further discourage investors. Many bonds are held to maturity, stifling liquidity and market participation.

Impact on Green Initiatives

The weak demand for SGrBs has directly impacted the funding for critical green projects. Initially, India planned to raise Rs 32,061 crore from SGrB proceeds in 2024-25. However, after weak investor response, the revised estimate was reduced to Rs 25,298 crore, resulting in significant cuts to funding for projects such as grid-scale solar energy. The budget for grid-scale solar projects was slashed from Rs 10,000 crore to just Rs 1,300 crore. As a result, India is increasingly relying on general revenue to fill the funding gap.

Key Areas Affected by Funding Cuts

• Electric Locomotive Manufacturing: Rs 12,600 crore
• Metro Projects: Rs 8,000 crore
• Renewable Energy (including National Green Hydrogen Mission): Rs 4,607 crore
• Afforestation (National Mission for a Green India): Rs 124 crore

Challenges Contributing to Weak Demand

• Lack of Social Impact Funds: India lacks a robust ecosystem of social impact funds and responsible investment mandates, which are present in other markets and drive demand for green bonds.
• Liquidity Issues: Small bond issues and a lack of secondary market trading have made SGrBs less liquid and attractive to investors.
• Higher Yields in Other Investment Avenues: Investors are reluctant to accept the relatively low yields of SGrBs, as they offer little financial advantage over regular bonds.

Way Forward

To improve the attractiveness of SGrBs, India could explore the issuance of sustainability bonds, which fund both green and social projects, attracting a broader base of investors. Additionally, post-issuance transparency is crucial, with detailed allocation and impact reports needed to build investor confidence. The government can also collaborate with multilateral development banks like the World Bank to back its green bonds, enhancing their credibility and attracting investment.

Furthermore, enhancing liquidity and developing a more robust market for green finance are essential steps to ensure that India can achieve its climate goals. With proper strategy and structural changes, India can enhance investor confidence and ensure sustainable funding for its green initiatives.

Context:

India’s Sovereign Green Bonds (SGrBs) are a key instrument to mobilize resources for climate-resilient infrastructure and sustainable development. However, despite their potential, the bonds have struggled to attract robust investor interest, thereby limiting the government’s ability to secure a meaningful greenium—a lower cost of borrowing that typically incentivizes green finance globally.

What are Sovereign Green Bonds?

SGrBs are debt instruments issued by the Government of India to raise capital for projects that contribute to environmental sustainability and low-carbon development. They are part of India’s broader green financing strategy to meet its Net Zero target by 2070. These bonds are issued by the Ministry of Finance, under the oversight of the Department of Economic Affairs (DEA), and are guided by India’s Green Finance Framework, aligned with global green bond principles.

Application of Funds:

The proceeds from SGrBs are earmarked exclusively for green projects, ensuring transparency and impact-based investment. Key sectors financed include:

• Electric Locomotive Manufacturing (largest beneficiary through the Ministry of Railways)
• Urban Mobility: Metro rail and public transport systems
• Renewable Energy: Solar, wind, and the National Green Hydrogen Mission
• Afforestation: Under the National Mission for a Green India
• Grid-Scale Solar Projects, though allocations here have been curtailed due to fiscal constraints

Performance and Allocation Trends:

India raised ?16,000 crore through SGrBs in FY 2022–23 and ?20,000 crore in FY 2023–24. For FY 2024–25, ?16,697 crore has been raised so far. However, due to muted investor demand, the revised fundraising estimate has been reduced from ?32,061 crore to ?25,298 crore. A fiscal gap of ?3,600 crore will be met through general revenue, reflecting limited success in expanding green finance.

Challenges:

• Weak Greenium: Indian SGrBs offer little to no financial advantage over conventional bonds, with greenium as low as 2–3 basis points. Globally, it averages 7–8 basis points, still modest but relatively attractive.
• Low Investor Demand: Several bond auctions witnessed under-subscription. For instance, ?7,443 crore worth of bonds were devolved to primary dealers in recent auctions due to high yield expectations from investors.
• Illiquid Secondary Market: Small issuance sizes and a trend of holding bonds till maturity restrict active trading, deterring market participants.
• Underdeveloped Sustainable Finance Ecosystem: India lacks dedicated ESG funds, responsible investment mandates, or regulatory incentives for green bond investments.

Recommendations:

• Enhance Credit Guarantees: Collaborate with multilateral institutions like the World Bank or IFC to back green bonds, enhancing their creditworthiness.
• Expand Domestic Green Investment Base: Promote ESG-focused mutual funds, offer tax incentives, and establish a regulatory framework to attract long-term green capital.
• Improve Market Liquidity: Increase bond issuance sizes and introduce market-making mechanisms to deepen secondary market activity.
• Leverage Public-Private Partnerships: Engage private players in project implementation to diversify and scale up green investment opportunities.

Conclusion:

India’s Sovereign Green Bonds symbolize a strategic shift toward sustainable development financing. While challenges persist, especially in market participation and pricing incentives, strengthening domestic financial ecosystems and leveraging global support can make green bonds a cornerstone of India’s climate financing roadmap.

In News:

The Supreme Court of India has recently agreed to hear a plea seeking the right to passive euthanasia for rabies patients, citing the exceptional nature of the disease and the absence of a cure. The matter, listed for hearing after two weeks, is poised to test the scope and application of the 2018 passive euthanasia ruling under Article 21 of the Constitution.

Background of the Case

• The petition was filed by the NGO All Creatures Great and Small in 2019, challenging a Delhi High Court order (July 2019) which refused to classify rabies as an exceptional case warranting "death with dignity".
• The Supreme Court issued notice in January 2020 to the Centre and other stakeholders, seeking their response.
• On February 10, 2025, a bench of Justices B.R. Gavai and K. Vinod Chandran agreed to hear the matter after two weeks.

Grounds for the Plea

The NGO has urged the Court to lay down a specific protocol enabling terminally ill rabies patients or their guardians to opt for passive euthanasia under medical supervision. Key arguments include:

• Rabies has a 100% fatality rate once symptoms appear.
• The disease often leads to violent neurological symptoms, requiring patients to be tied or shackled to beds, stripping them of dignity and personal freedom.
• The intense suffering and irreversible nature of rabies, coupled with the lack of any effective treatment, makes it distinct from other terminal conditions.
• The plea seeks the creation of an exceptional legal category for rabies within the framework of the 2018 Supreme Court judgment.

Understanding Euthanasia in India

Definitions:

• Euthanasia literally means “good death” and refers to hastening death to relieve pain and suffering.
• Active Euthanasia involves deliberate acts to cause death (e.g., lethal injection) and remains illegal in India.
• Passive Euthanasia involves withholding or withdrawing life support from terminally ill patients and was legalised in 2018.

Legal Milestone:

• In the Common Cause v. Union of India (2018) case, a five-judge Constitution Bench ruled that the right to die with dignity is a part of the fundamental right to life under Article 21.
• The verdict permitted passive euthanasia and the creation of a “living will”—a legal document allowing patients to refuse life support if in a terminal or vegetative state.

Ethical and Constitutional Dimensions

• The plea raises significant questions about human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the limits of state intervention in end-of-life decisions.
• It also brings focus to judicial responsibility in expanding fundamental rights, especially in the context of terminal, untreatable illnesses.

Conclusion

The outcome of this case could have far-reaching implications on medical jurisprudence and the ethics of end-of-life care in India. If the Court recognizes rabies as an exception, it may set a precedent for disease-specific passive euthanasia protocols, expanding the practical application of the 2018 ruling.

In News:

Despite the expected cooling influence of La Niña, January 2025 became the hottest January on record, with global average surface air temperatures 1.75°C above pre-industrial levels (1850–1900), according to the Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S). This marked the 18th out of the last 19 months that global temperatures exceeded the 1.5°C threshold. The inability of La Niña to curb this warming trend underscores the intensifying impact of anthropogenic climate change.

Understanding La Niña and the ENSO Cycle

La Niña, meaning "The Little Girl" in Spanish, is the cool phase of the El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO)—a recurring climate phenomenon involving variations in oceanic and atmospheric conditions in the central and eastern tropical Pacific Ocean.

• Phases of ENSO:
  • El Niño (warm phase): Warmer ocean temperatures in the eastern Pacific, weakening trade winds and reducing rainfall in the western Pacific.
  • La Niña (cool phase): Colder sea surface temperatures in the eastern Pacific, strengthening trade winds and enhancing rainfall in the western Pacific.
  • Neutral phase: Sea surface temperatures are near average with no dominant anomalies.
• Mechanism: During La Niña, strengthened trade winds push warm surface waters westward, causing cold waters to upwell in the eastern Pacific. This typically results in global cooling.
• ENSO Cycle: These phases occur every 2 to 7 years and influence weather patterns globally. The ENSO cycle leads to sea surface temperature variations between ±1°C to ±3°C from the long-term average.

The 2024–25 La Niña: A Weakened Climate Driver

• Emergence: The current La Niña phase began in December 2024, later than anticipated. Forecasts had expected it around September 2024, giving it insufficient time to strengthen before its typical peak in the Northern Hemisphere winter.
• Intensity: It is projected to be a mild La Niña, reducing its capacity to significantly influence global temperatures.
• Past Events: The most recent La Niña cycle lasted from 2020 to 2023, followed by a strong El Niño through mid-2023.
• Delayed Cooling Effect: The weaker-than-usual La Niña failed to produce the anticipated cooling, surprising scientists. As Julien Nicolas from Copernicus observed, the expected “temporary brake” on global temperatures did not materialize.

Why January 2025 Remained Hot Despite La Niña

• Global Ocean Warming: Oceans have retained higher-than-usual warmth due to long-term climate change, diluting La Niña’s cooling influence.
• Weak La Niña Onset: A late and weak phase meant less disruption to the prevailing warming trend. According to NOAA, La Niña events need more time and intensity to impact temperatures effectively.
• Persistent GHG Emissions: The concentration of greenhouse gases reached record highs in 2024, adding to the Earth's heat burden. Typically, La Niña-induced rains spur vegetation growth and carbon absorption, but weaker rains in this cycle limited that effect.
• Reduced Aerosols: Declines in atmospheric aerosols—due to cleaner air policies—lessened their usual cooling impact. Aerosols scatter solar radiation and influence cloud dynamics, contributing to temperature moderation.

Global and Regional Climatic Impacts of La Niña

Despite its weak intensity, La Niña still shaped regional weather in varied ways:

Asia

• India: Higher monsoon rainfall (July–September) is expected. This boosts rice production but may reduce pulse output in the Indo-Gangetic Plain.
• Southeast Asia: Nations like Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines face increased rainfall—raising flood risks but aiding rice and palm oil yields.

South America

• Southern Brazil, Uruguay, northern Argentina, and southern Bolivia face drought due to reduced rainfall, affecting soybean and maize crops.
• Northern Brazil, Colombia, Venezuela, and parts of Ecuador and Peru receive excess rain, risking floods.

Africa

• East Africa: Experiences dry conditions in December–January, hampering harvests in February–March.
• Southern Africa: Receives above-average rainfall, benefitting crops like maize, wheat, sorghum, and soybeans.

Oceania

• Australia: Faces heavy rain and possible flooding in its northern and eastern regions.

North America

• Southern US: Experiences dry conditions.
• Northern US, Canada, and Alaska face wetter, stormier weather.

Significance for India

1. Agriculture: Enhanced monsoon rains improve farm productivity, especially rice.
2. Water Resources: Better reservoir levels alleviate water stress.
3. Energy: Increases hydropower potential.
4. Heat Mitigation: Reduces severity of heatwaves compared to El Niño years.

Monitoring & Prediction

• Oceanic Niño Index (ONI): Tracks 3-month average SST anomalies. Values below –0.5°C indicate La Niña.
• Nino-3.4 Index: Confirms ENSO thresholds. Anomalies of ±0.5°C signal event onset; ±1.5°C indicates strong events.
• Tools Used: Satellite data, trade wind strength, and ocean buoys support forecasts. La Niña can be predicted up to two years in advance if preceded by a strong El Niño.

Conclusion:

The 2024–25 La Niña's inability to cool global temperatures highlights a worrisome trend—the diminishing moderating influence of natural climate phenomena. With greenhouse gas emissions continuing to rise and natural cooling cycles weakening, urgent global action is needed to reduce emissions and mitigate climate change impacts.

In News:

Article 22 of the Indian Constitution, enshrined in Part III under Fundamental Rights, provides critical safeguards to individuals against arbitrary arrest and detention. It ensures that liberty is not curtailed without adherence to due process. These rights are applicable to all individuals—citizens and non-citizens—except enemy aliens and those under preventive detention laws.

Key Provisions of Article 22:

• Article 22(1): No person who is arrested shall be detained without being informed of the grounds for such arrest. The arrestee has the right to consult and be defended by a legal practitioner of their choice.
• Article 22(2): The arrested person must be produced before the nearest magistrate within 24 hours of arrest (excluding travel time). Further detention without magistrate’s approval is unconstitutional.
• Article 22(3): The above protections do not apply to:
  • Enemy aliens.
  • Persons detained under preventive detention laws.
• Article 22(4): Preventive detention cannot exceed three months unless approved by an Advisory Board comprising judges of a High Court.
• Article 22(5): The detained individual must be informed of the grounds of detention and given a chance to make a representation against it.
• Article 22(6): Authorities may withhold facts if disclosure is deemed against public interest.
• Article 22(7): Parliament may prescribe:
  • Circumstances under which detention can extend beyond three months without Advisory Board opinion.
  • Maximum period of detention.
  • Advisory Board procedure.

Supreme Court Ruling: Mandatory Compliance with Article 22(1)

In a recent landmark judgment, the Supreme Court reaffirmed that non-disclosure of grounds of arrest violates Articles 22(1) and 21, rendering such arrests illegal.

A bench comprising Justices A.S. Oka and N.K. Singh ruled that the obligation to inform an arrested person of the grounds of arrest is not a mere formality but a constitutional mandate. Failure to do so deprives the individual of liberty without due process, violating the fundamental rights under Article 21 (Right to Life and Liberty) as well.

Key observations of the Court:

• Communication of Arrest Grounds: The arrested individual must be informed “as soon as may be” after arrest in a language and manner understandable to them. Merely mentioning grounds in the remand report or charge sheet does not satisfy Article 22(1).
• Written Communication Preferred: While not mandatory, providing the grounds of arrest in writing is encouraged to avoid controversy and ensure clarity (as suggested earlier in Pankaj Bansal v. Union of India).
• Duty of Magistrate: At the time of remand, the magistrate must verify if Article 22(1) compliance has occurred. If not, remand is unconstitutional, and the arrest stands vitiated.
• Burden of Proof: If the accused alleges non-compliance, the Investigating Officer bears the burden to prove that Article 22(1) was followed.
• Ground for Bail: Violation of Article 22(1) can itself be a ground for granting bail, even in cases where statutory restrictions exist.
• Communication to Relatives (CrPC Section 50A): Justice Singh emphasized that the grounds of arrest should also be conveyed to friends, relatives, or nominated persons of the arrestee. This facilitates immediate legal recourse to secure release, reinforcing the right to liberty under Article 21.

Conclusion:
The Supreme Court’s judgment marks a crucial reaffirmation of constitutional liberties. It ensures that procedural safeguards under Articles 21 and 22 are not diluted by executive convenience and establishes a higher standard of accountability in the process of arrest and detention in India.

In News:

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has once again become the epicenter of a severe humanitarian and geopolitical crisis. In early 2025, the M23 militia, a Tutsi-led rebel group allegedly backed by Rwanda, captured Goma, the capital of North Kivu province.

This strategic and mineral-rich city lies on the eastern border with Rwanda and has historically been a flashpoint in the region. The recent offensive has escalated the violence, displacing over 7,00,000 people, killing more than 2,900, and risking a wider regional conflict.

Historical Roots of the Conflict

The current instability can be traced back to colonial and post-independence ethnic tensions in the Great Lakes region. Under German and Belgian colonial rule, power structures in Rwanda favored the minority Tutsi population, generating long-standing resentment among the Hutus. Following Rwanda’s independence in 1962, a Hutu-majority government took power, culminating in the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, where nearly 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed.

Post-genocide, around 2 million Hutus, including militia members responsible for the killings, fled into eastern Congo (then Zaire), leading to the formation of over 120 armed groups, including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu militia. Rwanda intervened in Congo in 1996 and 1998, triggering the First and Second Congo Wars, which resulted in millions of deaths and regional destabilization.

Emergence and Role of M23

The M23 (March 23 Movement) was formed in 2012 by former fighters of the Tutsi-led National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), who rebelled after accusing the DRC government of violating a 2009 peace deal meant to integrate them into the national army. Led by SultaniMakenga, M23 initially captured Goma in 2012 but retreated after international pressure.

Resurfacing in 2022, M23 cited non-implementation of the agreement and vowed to protect Tutsi interests against groups like the FDLR. Since then, they have gained control of key mining regions, particularly Rubaya, rich in coltan, a critical mineral used in electronic devices. The UN estimates that M23 earns $800,000 per month from coltan production taxes, indicating that economic motives are as significant as ethnic ones.

The 2025 Escalation

On January 27, 2025, M23 rebels entered Goma and seized control of the airport by the following evening. By January 30, they had captured the city despite sporadic resistance from government forces and allied militias. The group then began advancing southward towards Bukavu, the capital of South Kivu province. The UN has confirmed reports of Rwandan troop incursions into South Kivu, while Burundian forces have joined Congolese troops in resisting the offensive.

Regional Dynamics and Rwanda’s Involvement

The Congolese government, along with the UN and Western powers, accuses Rwanda of backing M23 militarily and logistically. A 2022 UN expert report provided "solid evidence" of Rwandan troops fighting alongside M23, though Rwanda continues to deny these allegations. President Paul Kagame justifies his government's position as defensive, blaming the DRC for its alliance with the FDLR, which threatens Tutsis across the region.

Neighboring Burundi, led by President ÉvaristeNdayishimiye, has warned that Rwanda’s ambitions could spark a wider war, even threatening Burundi’s sovereignty. Uganda, meanwhile, plays a balancing role—supporting Congolese efforts against Islamic State-linked militants, while allegedly allowing M23 safe haven, as per UN reports.

Strategic and Economic Importance of Goma

Goma is not just a city; it is a strategic trade and transport hub at the heart of the DRC’s mineral wealth, particularly coltan, of which the DRC supplies nearly 40% of the world’s demand. The region is crucial for smartphone and electronics manufacturing due to coltan’s utility in capacitors.